Tajikistan: Government Threatesn to Close Outspoken Papers

Tajikistan is facing a free-speech showdown, as two independent weekly newspapers struggle to overturn a ban. Journalists at the two papers insist that the ban is politically motivated, serving as retribution for the publication of articles that reflected poorly on the government.

Prior to the imposition of the ban in late 2003, the two weeklies -- Ruzi Nav (New Day) and Nerui Sukhan (Power of the Word) – had been rapidly expanding circulation. Some observers attributed the rising readership to the fact that the weeklies printed articles on topics traditionally off-limits for Tajikistan's press. Such controversial topics include government corruption and inter-ethnic tension.

Ruzi Nav's publication difficulties began last November, when the state printing house, Sharki Ozod, refused to handle the print run for the weekly, claiming that the newspaper's contract with the printer had expired. Ruzi Nav Editor-in-Chief Rajab Mirzo dismissed the allegation as "groundless."

In December, tax officials banned the sale of Nerui Sukhan's year-end edition, saying the weekly had failed to follow regulations by not featuring the name of its printing house and size of its print run. Nerui Sukhan's editor, Mukhtor Bokizoda, said the information was omitted at the request of the printer, who wanted to avoid harassment for publishing the weekly.

Both Mirzo and Bokizoda have described the government's actions as a crude attempt to punish the weeklies for their unfavorable coverage of President Imomali Rahmonov's administration. The Ruzi Nav staff issued appealed to Rahmonov in early December to lift the ban. The appeal raised the stakes in the free-speech case by demanding that Rahmonov adopt a public position on the issue.

"We have decided to refrain from publishing the newspaper – even if the Sharki Ozod printing house agreed to publish it – until we know what is, or who is behind the ban," said the appeal, which was published by the Asia-Plus news agency. The appeal went on to state that the paper would refrain from publishing "until we know about your [Rahmonov's] personal position, and the position of the government on this issue."

The Tajik Prosecutor-General's Office and Ministry of Culture have cautioned the two papers twice in recent weeks that they would face formal closure if articles that "undermin[e] the honor and dignity" of Rahmonov and other government officials continued to be published.

Meanwhile, the government appears to be targeting two other independent publications. According to local media reports, Tajikistan's Ministry of Revenue, citing the possibility of irregularities, has opened investigations in the financial operations of the periodicals Oila and Tojikiston.

The government action has sparked concern among media watchdogs in Tajikistan. In a January 6 report on media freedom, the National Association of Independent Media of Tajikistan (NAIMT), a group supported by the US Agency for International Development, cited the Ruzi Nav and Nerui Sukhan cases as cause for particular concern. NAIMT has called for the formation of a "press public council," comprising journalists, editors and lawyers, "in order to resolve conflict situations in the media without going to trial."

In 2003, NAIMT monitors registered 100 overall complaints of media abuses by Tajik authorities, 70 in the last four months alone. "Despite the fact that the report gives only 70 cases of infringement of journalists' rights, in fact, there may be more such cases," the report said.

Though Reporters Without Borders ranked Tajikistan as the most tolerant of the former Central Asian Soviet republics in regards to press freedom of the press in 2003, the Ruzi Nav and Nerui Sukhan cases underscore the fact that the Tajik government, like those in neighboring states, is reluctant to tolerate an independent press. Indeed, while the number of privately owned media outlets has risen steadily in recent years, most newspapers, radio stations and television channels remain state-controlled.

Given the heavy governmental influence in the media sphere, many journalists, including those at independent media outlets, practice self-censorship. As a result, they often avoid topics, especially corruption, that are bound to anger officials.

In seeking to limit media coverage, officials can make use of legal levers. For example, reporters found guilty of defaming Rahmonov's honor and dignity, a concept often interpreted broadly by Tajik courts, face up to a five-year prison term. In addition, the Tajik parliament adopted legislation in November concerning "information security." Under the law, a media outlet can be held legally responsible for coverage deemed by authorities to pose a national security threat.

The government's regulations have effectively hampered media coverage, NAIMT said. The group said the lack of access to official data and reports was among the gravest problems facing Tajik journalists.

Though corruption has become an increasingly popular topic for the Tajik press, coverage often remains superficial, limited to an eye-catching headline and recitation of findings by international organizations. Given the possible consequences, most Tajik journalists are afraid to delve into specifics. According to corruption monitor Transparency International, Tajikistan ranks as the world's sixth most corrupt country.