EurasiaNet Civil Society - Kyrgyz Clash Marks End of "Era of Peaceful Protest" in Kyrgyzstan

CIVIL SOCIETY

KYRGYZ CLASH MARKS END OF "ERA OF PEACEFUL PROTEST" IN KYRGYZSTAN
Justin Burke 3/18/02

Once hailed as an "island of democracy," Kyrgyzstan now finds itself engulfed in political violence rooted in the government’s attempt to stifle dissent. Security forces clashed with protestors March 17 in a remote area of southern Kyrgyzstan, leaving at least five dead and 61 people injured. Authorities in Bishkek blame government critics for inciting the violence. Political observers, however, warn that the government’s policies have radicalized protestors, adding that the "era of peaceful protest is over."

The confrontation, the first such bloodshed since Kyrgyzstan gained independence in 1991, developed in the remote Ak-Sui district in the southern Jalalabad region, site of the trial of opposition legislator Azimbek Beknazarov on abuse of power charges. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Approximately 2,000 Beknazarov supporters gathered March 17, seeking to enter the Ak-Sui district center, where Beknazarov was scheduled to be sentenced the next day. Special police units blocked access to the village. When protesters did not stop, security forces reportedly opened fire, prompting a melee.

Rampaging protesters burned down a local police station and other official buildings. At a news conference March 18, Kyrgyzstan’s Interior Minister Temirbek Akmataliyev said opposition leaders and human rights advocates provoked mob violence, and characterized the clash as an attempted coup. He added that of the casualties, 47 were members of the security forces.

Meanwhile, The Kyrgyz Committee for Human Rights (KCHR) reported that the death toll had climbed to 13 by March 18. In addition, the upper house of parliament authorized the formation of a special commission to investigate the cause of the clash. A demonstration in the Ak-Sui district on the evening of March 18 drew thousands of anti-government protesters, who called for President Askar Akayev’s resignation.

To one Washington analyst, who spoke on condition of anonymity, the violence does not come as a surprise. "What do you expect when the governments of the region provide no other option. � People are saying ’enough.’"

"This could be the beginning of a region-wide trend, which is the result of long-brewing discontent," the analyst said. The opposition’s willingness to engage in violence is being fueled by a belief that Washington "in the post-September 11 environment can no longer be counted on to exert pressure" on Central Asian governments to uphold basic civil and political rights.

Authorities have sealed off the Ak-Sui district, allowing no one to enter or leave the conflict zone. Direct telephone communications have also been cut, according to Natalia Ablova, director of the Kyrgyzstan Human Rights and Rule of Law Bureau in Bishkek. "It is almost impossible to get information," Ablova said.

Ablova, speaking in a telephone interview, said the government’s months-long crackdown on opposition mass media contributed to the dearth of information about the Ak-Sui confrontation. Pro-government media have carried sketchy reports on the clash, but have "recognized that the situation is difficult."

"Right now, the situation is not under control," Ablova said. "If the government was fully in charge why would officials cut off all access [to the area]?"

The Organization for Cooperation and Security in Europe (OSCE) declined to provide assistance for a fact-finding mission to the Ak-Sui district that would have comprised local independent journalists and human rights advocates, Ablova said. She also said that OSCE observers were not intending to visit the area, saying the security risk to its personnel was too high.

Human rights advocates, including Ablova, say the bloodshed is the culmination of months of government attempts to curtail freedom of expression. During the early years Kyrgyz independence, the country enjoyed a reputation as being more tolerant in the political realm than its more authoritarian-minded neighbors, especially Uzbekistan.

However, in recent years Akayev’s government has tightened control over free speech, in what many observers say was a reaction to an insurgency waged by the Islamic Movement of Uzbekistan (IMU). The group’s nominal strategic aim was to topple the Uzbek government, but IMU fighters caused havoc in southern Kyrgyzstan, which they utilized as an advance base and as a conduit to stage raids in Uzbekistan. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

The Kyrgyz government crackdown has continued during the US-led campaign against terrorism in Afghanistan. Indeed, some local observers suggest the basing of US military personnel at Manas Airport outside the capital, Bishkek, has been a contributing factor in prompting the government to intensify persecution of its opponents in recent months. The strategic need for US military bases in Central Asia is causing Washington to remain largely silent about ongoing rights violations committed by local leaders, including Akayev, observers say.

The specific cause for the Ak-Sui confrontation is Beknazarov’s arrest in January, human rights advocates say. Many believe the member of parliament’s jailing was politically motivated, spurred by Beknazarov’s fierce criticism of a government plan to transfer territory to China to settle a lingering border dispute. The arrest sparked protests, including hunger strikes in Bishkek and the Jalalabad region. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archives].

The government largely ignored the peaceful protests. Akayev even disappeared from public for several weeks, going on "vacation." Akayev’s reluctance to address the Beknazarov issue angered the MP’s supporters.

According to Ablova, a turning point occurred in early February, when one hunger striker, 51-year-old Sherali Nazarkulov, died. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. The government’s muted response to Nazarkulov’s death convinced some protesters that peaceful methods would not succeed in securing redress for their grievances.

"After the death [of Nazarkulov], radicalization started," Ablova said, adding that anti-government sentiment is much stronger in southern Kyrgyzstan than in the North. "The people [in southern Kyrgyzstan] are poorer and there is more suffering there."

Without drastic changes in government policy, more clashes may been inevitable, Ablova indicated. "I do not want to be a Cassandra," Ablova said, "but the era of peaceful protest in Kyrgyzstan is over."

The Washington analyst said Akayev’s government was facing a big decision wiith no easy answers: on the one hand, the Kyrgyz leader could opt for a conciliatory course. The risk of such a move, however, is that concessions could be interpreted by the opposition as a sign of weakness, thus prompting an intensification of anti-government activity. Akayev’s other option is to attempt a total clamp down, possibly including widespread arrests. "We’re about to see what the Kyrgyz government is made of," the analyst said.

The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website, meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed debate about the social, political and economic developments of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation that promotes the development of open societies around the world by supporting educational, social, and legal reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex and controversial issues.

The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the position of the Open Society Institute and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.