CIVIL SOCIETY
3/23/05
Kyrgyz government officials, led by President Askar Akayev, intensified a "spin" campaign, hoping that verbal attacks would undermine support for opposition protesters and cause the collapse of "people’s power" provisional governing bodies in southern Kyrgyzstan. Initial indicators suggested that the government’s rhetorical efforts were not helping Akayev reassert his authority in the renegade regions, as the "people’s power" revolution appeared to be retaining its momentum.
Provisional governing bodies, organized by opposition politicians who demand Akayev’s resignation, are steadily increasing their grip in the southern provinces of Jalal-Abad and Osh. Self-styled people’s power councils have also been established in sections of Talas and Naryn provinces. Local law-enforcement bodies, in many cases, have declared their allegiance to the people’s power councils. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive].
A delicate balance now seems to govern the confrontation. Although Akayev appears to have lost total control of southern regions, his support in the north of the country, including in the capital Bishkek, remains strong. In an effort to tip the scales back in his favor, Akayev and his aides are striving to chip away at the opposition protest movement’s cohesion, as well as scare segments of the population now sitting on the fence from getting caught up in the people’s power revolutionary fervor. The opposition, at the same time, is seeking to carry the revolution to northern regions of Kyrgyzstan.
In a televised address late March 22, Akayev, attempting to project a conciliatory image, sought to divide the opposition. "I appeal to opposition forces, at least, those that maintain feelings of rationality and responsibility for their people and their country, to forsake lawless behavior, make a return to the rule of law and begin a civilized dialogue," Akayev said.
Other government officials, meanwhile, engaged in rhetoric tinged with ominous overtones. Newly appointed prosecutor general, Murat Sultalinov, claimed at a March 23 news conference that opposition politicians had lost control of the protest movement. "We have information that criminal elements are in charge of southern regions," Sultalinov said. "I suppose that religious extremist organizations are involved [in the unrest]."
The Kyrgyz Foreign Ministry courted support for Akayev from neighboring countries. In a statement released March 23, the Foreign Ministry said that protests in southern Kyrgyzstan could have "negative consequences for stability" across Central Asia.
Representatives of the people’s power councils dismiss the government’s allegations as propaganda. However, with limited access to mass media outlets, especially radio and television, the opposition is at a disadvantage in the spin contest. At a March 23 news conference, a people’s power spokesman in Jalal-Abad, Samagan Orozaliyev, insisted that the provisional governing authority was in control, and maintaining order. He went on to vigorously deny reports by state-controlled media outlets that widespread looting had occurred in Jalal-Abad. "City dwellers do not feel insecure in any manner," the Ferghana.ru website quoted Orozaliyev as saying. "Regional and municipal services – the police included – are already working for the new [people’s power] administration."
Meanwhile, in Osh, the head of the local people’s power council, Anvar Artykov, refused to engage in talks with Prime Minister Nikolai Tanayev. Opposition leaders are on record as saying they will hold talks only with Akayev directly.
Concurrent with the government’s verbal attacks on the protest movement, Akayev carried out a personnel reshuffle, appointing Sultalinov as prosecutor-general and Keneshbek Dyushebayev as interior minister. Akayev aides said the mishandling of the southern situation played a determining role in the dismissals of outgoing prosecutor, Myktybek Abdyldayev, and interior minister, Bakirdin Subanbekov.
Dyushebayev, the new interior minister, is widely regarded as a hardliner. His appointment signals that Akayev could resort to force if current government efforts to undermine people’s power councils falter. Indeed, rumors about a pending introduction of a state of emergency swept Bishkek on March 23.
At a news conference in Bishkek, held jointly with Sultalinov, Dyushebayev lived up to his tough-talking reputation. He said that Akayev’s administration in the post-Soviet era had to grapple with the "titanic" task of reforming the economy, "and in this situation there were perhaps mistakes and shortcomings."
"But such mistakes, if they occurred, do not serve as the basis for anti-constitutional actions," Dyushebayev continued.
The new interior minister indicated that he would not shy away from using force, stating: "We are going to use the entire arsenal of legally available means" to restore order throughout the country. He vowed that "we will not permit in the capital any protests in which various government buildings are occupied."
As Dyushebayev’s comments underscore, Akayev appears intent on preventing the revolutionary mood from spreading to Bishkek. On March 23, police acted swiftly to prevent citizens from converging to hold an anti-government rally, using clubs to disperse the gathering crowd and arresting at least 10 suspected organizers, some supposedly belonging to the Kel-Kel youth organization. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. According to the AKIpress news agency, a banner at the abortive rally said: "We Want to Know the Truth," an apparent reference to opposition complaints that the recent parliamentary election results were falsified. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
A fresh confrontation in Bishkek may be looming on the horizon. A significant number of opposition supporters have quietly been arriving in the capital with the intention of staging an anti-government rally as early as March 24.
Edil Baisalov, a human rights activist who was briefly detained during the abortive Bishkek rally, expressed concern about the possibility of a bloody clash occurring in the capital in the coming days. He accused the government of "entering into a conspiracy with criminal elements" to form "black hundreds," or vigilante groups, that would seek to "sow fear among citizens," AKIpress reported.
Late on March 23, there were signs that Akayev’s support in Bishkek may be slipping. A large number of state television employees reportedly signed a petition and sent it to the president, stating that they would no longer follow directives issued by Osmonakun Ibraimov, a state secretary who wield tremendous influence over Akayev administration media policy. The petition alleged that presidential meddling in broadcast content was inciting antipathy among the population for state television employees.
