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Another Media Storm Blows Across Georgia
The Georgian government is facing fresh allegations of attempted media manipulation. Over the past week, representatives from both the business sector and NGOs have criticized President Mikheil Saakashvili's administration over the alleged pressuring of media outlets.
The Saakashvili administration has often been accused of intolerance concerning the Georgian media's coverage of politics. Despite authorities' claims that journalists are free to report on any topic, international watchdog groups, such as Reporters Without Borders, have questioned the government's commitment to a free press.
According to Annabelle Arki, Head of Europe and former Soviet Union desk at Reporters Without Borders, the recent sentencing of Shalva Ramishvili, a journalist accused of blackmail, is a good illustration of the current situation in Georgia. Arki noted that the ruling against Ramishvili resembled a "settling [of] scores" and was a "bad sign" for the country's transition to democracy. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
"It seems like there is a big fight between the media and the government," she said in a telephone interview with EurasiaNet from her office in Paris. "We know that Mr. Ramishvili is a very famous figure in Georgia for his talk shows, which are very critical [of the government]."
Ramishvili and his business partner, Davit Kokhreidze, were arrested in August for allegedly blackmailing then-MP Koba Bekauri. Ramishvili was sentenced to a four-year jail term and Kokhreidze received three years. According to Arki, the most shocking element of the trial was the fact that the judge did not consider the defendants' profession. "There is no clear basis for the accusations," she claimed. "We are afraid that Mr. Ramishvili and his colleague are political prisoners."
Not all local media rights activists share Arki's opinion. Irina Tsintsadze, a development officer at Internews Georgia, expressed doubt that the Ramishvili case would have long-lasting implications for journalists in the country. "It is a case of retribution. But at the end of the day, we saw that he did something that is [unethical]," she said. Given the available evidence, Ramishvili should not be considered a political prisoner, Tsintsadze added.
Ako Minashvili, the executive director of the Liberty Institute, characterized the Ramishvili case as a clear instance of corruption. According to Minashvili, while there are problems with the freedom of speech and expression in Georgia, this is not an example of it. "The fact is - and it was filmed quite clearly - that Ramishvili was using his power as a journalist and he was taking money from Bekauri. It was quite clear it was a crime," he said, although he added that the sentence did seem harsh for the crime in question.
Minashvili went on to note that a problem exists. Despite the fact that Georgia boasts one of the most liberal laws covering freedom of expression in the former Soviet Union, he admitted that journalists and media outlets are still cautious about what can be published or broadcast.
While Minashvili downplayed accusations of government pressure, media tycoon Badri Patarkatsishvili maintains the Georgian government is actively working to stop negative coverage. Patarkatsishvili a multimillionaire businessman and one-time associate of the former Russian oligarch Boris Berezovsky -- fled to Georgia in 2001 following his indictment in Russia on fraud charges. He maintained that the charges were politically motivated designed to allow Russian officials to take control of a television channel of which he was chairman.
Since his arrival in Georgia, Patarkatsishvili has amassed a vast financial empire, ranging from media holdings to an oil terminal. He enjoyed good working relationships with former president Eduard Shevardnadze, and, initially, with Saakashvili. However, a break in Patarkatsishvili's relationship with the president became evident on March 29, when the mogul announced that Georgia was not a "safe" place for entrepreneurs. He went on to complain that the government was trying to punish him after a television station that he owns, Imedi TV, aired investigative reports on the murder of Sandro Girgvliani, a 28-year-old banker who was beaten to death in January. Interior Ministry officials were implicated in the killing. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
"Power-wielding and financial structures are now actively examining my companies in order to induce me to put pressure on Imedi TV journalists and encourage more favorable coverage of authorities," he said during a speech to entrepreneurs on March 29.
Government reaction to Patarkatsishvili was sharp and swift. Giga Bokeria, a member of the parliament, "thanked" the media tycoon for coming out in support of the opposition. He also accused Patarkatsishvili of trying to "blackmail" the government, and vigorously denied that the government is acting to quash criticism of its policies.
While analysts have long speculated about the role government pressure plays on media owners, Patarkatsishvili's emotional outburst was the first time a business owner had publicly voiced an allegation of intimidation.
Tsintsadze applauded Patarkatsishvili's decision to bring backroom deals out in the open, but she expressed skepticism that others would follow his example. "Patarkatsishvili himself is a very rich person; he has this luxury to say that," she said. "Everyday they [business owners] are experiencing this pressure
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