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UZBEKISTAN: A SMALL PROTEST WITH BIG IMPLICATIONS
5/03/05

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A small protest with big implications for stability in Uzbekistan occurred May 3, as several dozen Uzbeks, most of them women and children, gathered near the US embassy in Tashkent to demonstrate against deteriorating economic conditions in the country. The rally indicates Uzbeks may be losing their fear of openly challenging the authoritarian-minded government.

Uzbek leaders have been on guard since the late March revolution in neighboring Kyrgyzstan, seemingly intent on preventing the spread of the popular passions that toppled Askar Akayev’s administration in Bishkek. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. In recent weeks, Uzbekistan has experienced several protests, held in provinces and mainly connected to rising discontent among the country’s rural population. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. The May 3 protest is significant because it marks the first relatively peaceful anti-government action in the capital in recent memory.

Tashkent experienced several violent episodes in 2004 – including a four-day uprising in late March and suicide bombings in July – that were linked to Islamic militants. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. The recent protests, however, have involved rural residents and have been driven by economic, not political issues. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Some political observers in Tashkent suggest that the recent protests may be a reflection of discontent with President Islam Karimov’s leadership from within Uzbekistan’s ruling establishment. Rural protesters, these analysts contend, perhaps are being utilized by officials who have grown disenchanted with Karimov’s survival strategy, which relies heavily on repressive tactics.

Most of the protesters outside the US embassy reportedly came from Kashkadarya Province, near the border with Turkmenistan. Authorities evidently did their best to break up the demonstration before it got underway at about 11:30 am, but demonstrators were able to evade efforts by plain-clothes officers to seal off the protest site.

The demonstrators openly called for Karimov’s resignation. Some held banners that complained about widespread unemployment, as well as the dire economic conditions in Uzbekistan’s regions. The ranks of the protesters were filled with women and children to discourage an official effort to forcibly disrupt the demonstration.

Many protesters seemed to be linked to a long-running dispute over a privatization deal involving a farm in Kashkadarya Province known as FAO Kesh. The farm is located in Shakhrisabs, a town that in 2001 was placed on the UNESCO list of world heritage sites. The farm was privatized in 1999, with 60 percent of the shares purchased by Bakhodir Choriev and his family members for about $8,000. In 2001, however, around the time the nearby town was placed on the UNESCO list, the State Property Committee took action to invalidate the deal. The reason given for the government action was that a "mistake" had been made in setting the farm’s sale price. Officials prevented efforts by Choriev and other FAO Kesh shareholders to stage anti-Karimov protests in Tashkent in 2004, according to documentation compiled by Human Rights Watch. [For additional information click here].

Once the May 3 protest got underway, authorities generally did not interfere. At one point, law-enforcement officers supposedly moved to take a toddler into custody, but backed off when a group of women began throwing stones and hurling invective at police, according to Ferghana.ru.

Karimov’s administration has long resisted efforts to liberalize the Uzbek economy. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Measures adopted in recent months have actually had the opposite effect, increasing the state’s role in the economy and imposing taxes and tariffs that effectively discourage entrepreneurial activity. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Posted May 3, 2005 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org

The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website, meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed debate about the social, political and economic developments of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation that promotes the development of open societies around the world by supporting educational, social, and legal reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex and controversial issues.

The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the position of the Open Society Institute and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.

 
 
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