CIVIL SOCIETY
Shahin Abbasov
5/09/05
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The window of opportunity may be in danger of closing on Kyrgyzstan’s revolution, as the provisional government appears to be having difficulty in making a break with the country’s corrupt past.
Kyrgyzstan’s interim government came to power amid an outburst of popular frustration over the corrupt practices of former president Askar Akayev’s administration. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. The new leadership team, headed by interim President Kurmanbek Bakiyev, vowed to promote democratization measures that would significantly reduce official corruption and promote economic growth.
Non-governmental organization activists, including Tolekan Ismailova, have expressed concern that implementation of the interim government’s anti-corruption agenda has fallen short. International organizations, including, the Crisis Group, have additionally identified shortcomings in the interim government’s strategy.
The interim government has devoted much of its anti-corruption energy on an effort to untangle the complex web of business interests controlled by Akayev and his family members. On May 8, for example, Acting Prosecutor-General Azimbek Beknazarov toured state-owned properties that he claimed were improperly "privatized" by Akayev, along with his family and friends. In addition, Beknazarov indicated that Akayev’s alleged ties to 20 businesses were under investigation.
Rooting out corruption will require a more comprehensive approach, a May 4 report released by Crisis Group cautioned. [For the text of the full report click here]. "So far the signs [in the anti-corruption effort] have not been very positive," the report stated. "There is no systemic attempt to seek out corruption. There are several separate investigations into Akayev property and business ... but these are not by independent auditors, so there is a possibility they will simply lead to a transfer of control to other political players."
Bakiyev maintains that tackling corruption is a top priority for the interim government, but his interim administration is coming under increasing fire in Bishkek for supposedly shady practices. Dissatisfaction over the president’s personnel policy remains high, with critics citing a lack of transparency in the administration’s process. Some Bakiyev appointees, in particular acting Finance Minister Akylbek Japarov, have come under scrutiny for engaging in questionable practices. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. According to several local media reports, positions within the government, including the director of the state customs service, have been secured through illicit payments.
Ismailova, who heads the NGO Civil Society against Corruption, indicated that the interim government’s practices could potentially exacerbate the corruption problem in the country. "If earlier one clan [Akayev’s] conducted personnel policy, now we observe several clan groupings competing for positions," Ismailova said.
Bringing corruption under control could be the determining factor in whether Kyrgyzstan’s revolution succeeds or not. "The old regime’s failure to stem corruption and develop the rule of law brought down Akayev, and the same issues now present the new authorities with their greatest challenge," David Lewis, Crisis Group’s Central Asia Project Director, said in a written statement that accompanied the release of the organization’s report on Kyrgyzstan. "The new leaders must promote true political and economic change in the system they inherited."
The Crisis Group report identified several other areas of concern, including a poorly developed revenue-collection system and a "crisis" involving improper seizures of land by squatters in the vicinity of Bishkek. "There were reports of seizures in 17 places, involving at least 30,000 people," the report said. "The [interim] government was slow in addressing the problem."
The lingering problems raise the stakes of the country’s special presidential election, scheduled for July 10. Observers say a clean election is essential if the country is to overcome the breakdown of the rule of law that occurred during the Akayev era. "Whoever wins the presidency will need to support an inclusive process of constitutional change to ensure Akayev’s system is not resurrected, simply with new officials in place," the Crisis Group report stated.
Bakiyev in an interview published in the Vecherny Bishkek newspaper April 29 vowed that "administrative resources will not be used" to influence the outcome of the presidential poll. He added that he instructed members of the interim government to "not take part in the presidential election" and instead concentrate on "everyday work."
Feliks Kulov, who, along with Bakiyev, is seen as the early co-front-runner in the presidential vote, has questioned whether the vote will be fair. "It is hard for me to believe in it [a fair election]," the Kabar news agency quoted Kulov as saying. "Certainly, administration officials will not play such a role that they played earlier [under Akayev]. But the situation is sufficiently charged that certain officials, attempting to curry favor, could make attempts [at ballot manipulation]."
"Of course Bakiyev might not know about [such attempts], as the situation in the regions is not controlled [by central authorities in Bishkek]," Kulov added.
Posted May 9, 2005 © Eurasianet
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