
Authorities in Uzbekistan Seek to Stifle Independent Media Outlets
The trial of two employees of a Western non-governmental organization operating in Uzbekistan appears to be part of a broader campaign by President Islam Karimov's administration to stifle the country's few remaining independent media outlets.
The trial of Khalida Anarbaeva and Olga Narmuradova, who served as the director and accountant respectively of the Uzbek office of the Internews Network, began on July 18. The two are facing prison sentences of up to six months if convicted on charges of "conspiracy to engage in the production of videos and the publication of informational materials without the necessary licenses." Internews, which has operated in Uzbekistan since 1995, is a US-based NGO that works to build the capacity of independent media in approximately 50 nations.
Internews representatives adamantly deny any wrong-doing. Representatives of the NGO, along with political analysts, say the trial is politically motivated -- part of a broad crackdown on NGO activity in the country that has been ongoing for over a year and a half. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. "Internews is being singled out because the government is particularly sensitive about media and the power of the media -- as evidenced by the state media, the message of which the government tightly controls," said Joshua Machleder, Internews' regional program manager for Central Asia.
"Internews, which works to create a free space in the media ... is particularly undesirable. Particularly now, at a time in which the Uzbek government, through its media is battling with reports from around the world that conflict with its own version of the events of May 13-14 in Andijan," Machleder added. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
On the trial's opening day, the presiding judge closed the proceedings to journalists and outside observers, including American diplomats. In addition, the prosecutor called for the immediate closure of the Internews office, Internews representatives said. The demand indicated that guilty verdicts in the case were a virtually certainty. It also provided insight into the government's motivation for proceeding with the case. Internews has encouraged the development of local media outlets across Uzbekistan, providing logistical expertise and training in information-gathering techniques. Internews-supported outlets have the potential to reach roughly two-thirds of Uzbekistan's 26 million population. Various local television stations managed to broadcast information that did not always coincide with the government viewpoint.
"If Internews closes down, I think that the independent media will suffer," Machleder said. "At this time, there are no [other] organizations providing sustained, high quality technical assistance to media, encouraging them to be independent from the government line."
Internews' troubles with the Uzbek government began long before charges were brought against Anarbaeva and Narmuradova in early July. In September 2004, a Tashkent court ordered Internews' Tashkent office to suspend operations for six months. The ruling stemmed from an audit conducted in June 2004 that found Internews had failed to comply with registration requirements, including the failure to register the NGO's logo. Under Uzbek law, Internews had a month from July 30, the date Uzbek officials notified Internews of their findings, to address the violations. Internews sent a letter to Uzbek authorities in late August confirming that it had rectified all violations found by inspectors. Despite the letter, the Tashkent court proceeded with the case.
The Karimov administration seemed to grow increasingly uneasy with Internews' activities following the 1999 Tashkent bombings, which Uzbek officials blamed on Islamic militants. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. In response to the bombings, the Uzbek government began tightening its control over all aspects of civic life. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].
In recent years, Internews promoted the establishment of an association of independent media outlets. The Uzbek government resisted registering the National Association of Electronic Mass Media, known as NAESMI, but eventually consented to do so in 2004. Shortly after registration, however, NAESMI became embroiled in a dispute over the association's functions and strategic direction. A central figure in the dispute was Firdavs Abdukhalikov -- the owner of one of Uzbekistan's largest independent television stations, STV, and a member of the Uzbek parliament who reportedly enjoys friendly relations with the government. Some media observers accused Abdukhalikov of trying to use the association for his own political and financial purposes. Abdukhalikov has publicly denied trying to manipulate NAESMI for personal gain.
According to Uzbek journalists familiar with the dispute, as Abdukhalikov steadily increased his influence in the association, he pressured NAESMI-affiliated stations to stop cooperating with Internews. During one editorial meeting involving representatives from several independent stations, Abdukhalikov openly threatened to "have this station [Internews] closed," according to one of the participants of the meeting.
Later, independent stations that either declined to join NAESMI, or that continued to maintain ties with Internews were subjected to tax inspections, a tactic commonly used by governments throughout the former Soviet Union to silence media critics. During the latter part of 2004, at least six local television stations -- including Chirchik TV, which at the time of its closure was trying to obtain a transmitter that would enable it to broadcast to parts of Tashkent were taken off the air for supposed financial violations.
Meanwhile, new guidelines were imposed on NAESMI-affiliated local stations that effectively reduced their editorial independence. In particular, NAESMI purchased broadcasting rights to pre-packaged programming, obtained from several Russian television stations, that affiliates were required to air, instead of locally produced content. As a result, the ability of NAESMI-affiliated stations to produce their own news shows was drastically curtailed.
By May 2005, at the time of the Andijan events, most independent television stations in Uzbekistan had effectively lost their ability to provide news coverage. As a result, many stations during the Andijan events and their immediate aftermath refrained from airing programs with any hint of political content. Instead, the channels aired entertainment shows.
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