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GEORGIA: DISGRACED MEDIA BARON TO REMAIN IN PRESIDENTIAL RACE
Molly Corso 1/03/08

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Two days before Georgians go to the polls, media tycoon and alleged coup conspirator Badri Patarkatsishvili announced his intention to stay in the presidential race.

His decision, delivered to the Georgian public via a written statement issued on January 3, was an abrupt reversal from comments made in late December in which he indicated that he would drop his bid to deny Mikheil Saakashvili from being reelected as president. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

"I will not withdraw my candidacy and will continue to fight," Patarkatsishvili said from London, according to a statement issued by his campaign press office.

Various public opinion polls have been published by the Georgian media since the election campaign started in November; however, while there has not been a consensus about any candidate’s rating, incumbent Mikheil Saakashvili and the United Public Movement’s Levan Gachechiladze are widely deemed to be the front-runners.

Patarkatsishvili initially declared he would leave the race on December 27 after officials released video footage and audio tape recordings that allegedly proved his role in a plot to overthrow the government. In the recordings, which were broadcast on Georgian television, Patarkatsishvili is heard offering the head of the Special Forces unit, Erekle Kodua, $100 million to "neutralize" Interior Minister Vano Merabishvili. While Patarkatsishvili originally admitted to meeting with Kodua, in his January 3 statement he accused the government of "a provocation" that was "fabricated only to discredit me."

In the wake of his decision to rejoin the race, Giorgi Zhvania, his campaign manager, quit, citing a difference of opinion. According to Zhvania, Patarkatsishvili is convinced his supporters will vote for Saakashvili if he does not participate. "He believes that he will take some votes from Saakashvili," Zhvania told EurasiaNet. "There was some concern that part of his supporters would vote for Saakashvili. I don’t completely agree."

According to Zhvania, Patarkatsishvili had been contemplating a formal return to the presidential race "for several days." Georgian news media reported that the tycoon credited Georgian Patriarch Ilya II for "giving me the power to declare" the intention to remain in the race. The patriarch’s press office denied the report.

Most opposition leaders are attempting to distance themselves from Patarkatsishvili. For example, representatives of the New Rights Party – which once tried to convince the tycoon to run for president – now characterize his candidacy as "not serious."

Meanwhile, a nine-party alliance of opposition parties, which reportedly negotiated with the tycoon about his participation in the race in December, is now downplaying its connection to the tycoon. In media statements distributed January 3, Tina Khidasheli, a leader in the Republican Party, stated that the opposition coalition has "nothing to do" with other candidates. "We are ready to talk with everyone, with everyone, but not with those who have committed crimes," she said. "We speak the language of law."

It is unclear what Patarkatsishvili’s decision will mean for his television station, Imedi, which is temporarily being managed by the American media conglomerate News Corp. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. The station announced on December 26 that it would take a "pause" during the election campaign in response to alleged government "pressure" due to Patarkatsishvili. Imedi representatives were not immediately available for comment.

Editor’s Note: Molly Corso is a freelance reporter based in Tbilisi.

Posted January 3, 2008 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org

The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website, meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed debate about the social, political and economic developments of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation that promotes the development of open societies around the world by supporting educational, social, and legal reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex and controversial issues.

The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the position of the Open Society Institute and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.

 
 
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