No Surprises During Second Round of Kyrgyzstan’s Parliamentary Elections

Pro-presidential candidates dominated Kyrgyzstan's second round of parliamentary voting amid continuing controversy about the fairness of the balloting. Far from conceding defeat, Kyrgyz opposition leaders immediately started looking ahead to the country's presidential election in October.

Preliminary results of the March 13 voting showed that Kyrgyz opposition members won only six of the 75 seats in the next parliament. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Among those who failed to win a parliamentary seat was Kurmanbek Bakiyev, a former prime minister who was recently selected to lead an opposition political alliance. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Critics of President Askar Akayev maintained that the results of the March 13 run-offs, like those of the first round of voting on February 27, were skewed by government manipulation of mass media coverage and campaign procedures.

Turnout for the second round was reported at almost 59 percent, according to official figures. Four of the 75 parliament seats remain to be determined. In the Tonskii election district, the March 13 results were declared invalid after 67 percent cast ballots "against all." Three other electoral districts will hold run-offs on March 20.

Edil Baisalov, head of the Coalition for Democracy and Civil Society, contended at a March 14 press that government meddling was "far worse" during the second round than in the first. He alleged there was "widespread manipulation of voting lists," and "massive ballot–stuffing," adding that officials sanctioned improper campaigning on election day in favor of pro-government candidates.

Baisalov's allegations were partially supported by a preliminary assessment issued by an international monitoring mission organized by the OSCE's Office for Democratic Institution's and Human Rights (ODIHR). The assessment noted some "technical improvements" in the conduct of the March 13 second round, but stressed that "significant shortcomings remain" in the government's approach towards elections.

"The [ODIHR] mission noted that some areas of concern remained unchanged from the first round, including the lack of effective voter access to diverse sources of information, bias in the media, continued de-registration of candidates on minor grounds -- which are within national law, but restrict genuine competition – and inaccurate and poorly maintained voter lists," the assessment quoted the head of the observer mission, Lubomir Kopaj, as saying.

The ODIHR assessment did not report any instances of ballot-stuffing. However, it mentioned that observers witnessed instances of "vote buying and groups of unidentified individuals appearing to coordinate voters outside of polling stations." ODIHR also noted that in several cases election observers were prevented from "viewing all aspects of the [ballot] counting process.

Sulaiman Imanbayev, the head of the country's Central Election Commission, gave a far different picture of the electoral environment. Imanbayev and other election officials insisted that the voting was "transparent" and that only a few formal complaints had been registered, the AKIpress news agency reported. At a news conference March 14, Imanbayev suggested that some of the losing candidates were attempting "to resolve their problems in an uncivilized manner" by stoking protests and challenging the fairness of the election process.

Opposition-led protests, especially in southern Kyrgyzstan, showed no signs of abating. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Demonstrations were a constant feature of the parliamentary election campaign, and since the February 27 first round, protesters have become increasingly outspoken in their criticism of the government, with many calling for Akayev's resignation. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive].

In the southern city of Jalal-Abad, which has emerged as a center of anti-government agitation, opposition leaders announced plans to organize a regional "congress" on March 15 to discuss the parliamentary election results and formulate a political strategy.

The coming weeks and months could prove critical for opposition leaders, as they strive to force Akayev's retirement at the end of his current term. Many believe Akayev will try to use the pro-presidential legislative majority to circumvent the existing constitutional prohibition against him seeking re-election. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Over the near term, opposition leaders appear intent on keeping Akayev off balance by continuing protests in southern and eastern areas of the country. At the same time, they will strive to forge a more cohesive movement, potentially with Bakiyev as a unified candidate for the October presidential election.

There are signs, however, that the president's team is planning a political counter-attack. On March 11, Abdil Segizbayev, the presidential press spokesman, indicated that opposition calls for Akayev's resignation could provide an opening for the president to secure another term. Segizbayev compared the current situation to the events of 2002, when opposition protests sought to push Akayev from power. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. The president responded by organizing a referendum that confirmed his authority through 2005. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive]. If existing protests continue, the president may counter with another referendum – one that would enable Akayev to remain in office beyond October, Segizbayev indicated.

"The incumbent president's term in office will end in October," Segizbayev said. "It is not logical to hold a referendum confirming the president's authority for a few months."

"The opposition is doing everything to make the president appeal to the people with a question about confirming his authority for another five years," Segizbayev added.