Kyrgyzstan’s Leaders Face Pressure From Multiple Sources

The May 27 protest is being organized by the For Reforms coalition, comprising roughly 20 political parties and non-governmental organizations that are dissatisfied with the Bakiyev administration's reform course. The group's first rally on April 29 attracted a crowd of roughly 10,000. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

The potential for a clash between protesters and authorities appeared to grow when Kyrgyzstan's authorities announced May 22 that a military parade was planned for the same time and location as the anti-Bakiyev protest. Kyrgyzstan has traditionally marked Armed Forces Day on May 29, but Defense Minister Ismail Isakov said this year's parade was being moved up two days. He denied that the switch was designed to intimidate government opponents. "This event has no connection to the opposition meeting," the Russian RIA Novosti news agency quoted the defense minister as saying. Protest organizers vow that the reform rally will proceed as planned.

Outside of Bishkek, in towns along Lake Issyk Kul, anti-government sentiment continues to simmer following the May 10 killing of Ryspek Akmatbayev, who a month earlier won a special election to represent the area in parliament. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Akmatbayev had been a lightning rod for controversy. Although he denied any connection to Kyrgyzstan's underworld, he was widely viewed as one of the country's organized crime kingpins. His election to parliament -- succeeding his brother, Tynychbek, who was murdered during a 2005 prison riot – prompted an outcry from civil society activists, who warned that Kyrgyzstan was sliding toward becoming a failed state. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Even Russia expressed concern about the possible criminalization of Kyrgyz politics. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

While viewed as a villain throughout most of Kyrgyzstan, Akmatbayev was considered a hero in his home region along the lake, which is Kyrgyzstan's main tourist destination. Local residents characterized him as a Kyrgyz version of Robin Hood, who prevented local officials from engaging in corrupt practices, while providing help to the poor and unemployed of the area. "He would stop the officials from filling their pockets and would give the money to the poor!" said Gulbairam Yrysova, former schoolteacher who now has no job and no family to turn to for help.

Yrysova was among 200 demonstrators who gathered recently in Balykchy, a town that is the gateway to Lake Issyk Kul, demanding justice for Akmatbayev's murder. Their chief desire is the ouster of Kulov, who was Akmatbayev's primary political antagonist. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Banners at the anti-government rally read: "The [Bakiyev-Kulov] Tandem Works against People" and "Kulov is Enemy Number One."

Akmatbayev's relatives initially sought Kulov's removal as prime minister, but backed down from the demand following a May 16 meeting with Bakiyev.

Some of those present at the Balykchy rally called for the town to be renamed Ryspek-Baatyr, or Ryspek the Hero. "If [Ryspek Akmatbayev] was a criminal, people wouldn't follow him," said Ayzada Mambetov, a law student. "He knew the difficulties of the people, and that's why he wanted to enter politics."

Though indisputably popular, Akmatbayev was not universally admired in his home region. Some local residents quietly said that his criminal network continues to function. "Some say Ryspek bought flour for the needy, but his men didn't distribute it for free. They sold it," said a Cholpon-Ata taxi driver who asked not to be named. "I have been living in Cholpon-Ata for many years, and Ryspek never did anything for me. Everyone knows he was a criminal. People are just afraid of openly saying this."