Georgia Looks West for Help in Resovling Abkhazia Issue

Seeking to give his supporters a political boost in Georgia's upcoming parliamentary election, President Eduard Shevardnadze is promoting the notion of "internationalizing" the peacekeeping force in Abkhazia -- a move designed to reduce Russia's influence in the separatist region. The president's efforts, however, have yielded few results.

Russia's dominating role in Abkhazia has long complicated Tbilisi's efforts to reestablish its authority in the separatist region. Abkhaz forces, with backing from Russia, decisively defeated the Georgian military during the 1992-93 civil war. Since then, efforts to reach a political settlement on the territory's status have made little progress. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Since a ceasefire went into effect, the United Nations has relied on a Russian-led CIS force of about 1,200 to maintain the tenuous peace. Meanwhile, the UN Observer Mission in Georgia (UNOMIG) is left to "observe" Commonwealth of Independent States (CIS) peacekeepers and entice Abkhaz representatives to the negotiating table. With few alternatives, the Security Council extended UNOMIG's mandate for another six months until January 31, 2004.

One of the Georgian president's top priorities concerning the Abkhazia issue is to broaden the composition of the peacekeeping force in Abkhazia. Tamaz Nadareishvili, chairman of the Tbilisi-based Supreme Council of the Autonomous Republic of Abkhazia, noted that Bulgaria, Romania, Italy, Ukraine, and Azerbaijan are willing to participate in a peacekeeping force. However, Shevardnadze seems to feel US participation in any newly configured force, as well as in peace talks, is essential for reaching a political settlement that is to Tbilisi's liking.

In Shevardnadze's view, there are signs that the United States is receptive to assuming a greater Abkhazia role. While overshadowed by discussions of the electoral code and composition of the electoral commissions, former U.S. Secretary of State James Baker's visit in early July also focused on the Abkhazia question. Baker delivered a letter that indicated the Bush administration unequivocally supports Georgia's territorial integrity and sovereignty.

Speaking in a July 7 radio interview, Shevardnadze said the Baker talks confirmed "that the problem of Abkhazia will remain one of the major aspects of American-Russia dialogue." At the ground-breaking ceremony for the new US embassy in Tbilisi on July 17, Shevardnadze added more boldly that "our friends are slowly closing in on Abkhazia."

Georgian National Security Council Secretary Tedo Japaridze does not share Shevardnadze's optimism. Japaridze described a recent conversation with US National Security Advisor Condoleeza Rice, in which Rice emphasized that Georgia "should settle relations with Russia by all means."

"We should not hope that the United States is going to resolve this problem while we sit around and wait. If we have a concrete plan for resolution of the Abkhazia conflict in which the interests of all sides will be taken into account, they will naturally help us at the highest level, but we have to take the first steps," Japaridze stated.

A potential complication for an expanded US role in Abkhazia is connected with the passage of Georgia's new electoral code on August 5. The composition of the Central Election Commission as outlined in the so-called Baker formula was upheld – five members appointed by the president, nine from the opposition, and the chairperson to be appointed with OSCE recommendation – but the spirit of the proposal was lost. [For additional information see the EurasiaNet archive]. This raises the possibility that the November parliamentary elections may not be as free and fair as many in Washington would hope.

In addition to promoting the internationalization of the peacekeeping force, Shevardnadze has pressed for greater UN involvement. With the support of the Georgian parliament, Shevardnadze called on the United Nations to launch a peace-enforcement operation in Abkhazia, invoking Chapter 7 of the UN Charter – which provides for enforcement through the use of force.

The critical stumbling block for realizing any or all of the Georgian president's aims is the fact that they appear to be realizable only with Moscow's consent. Indeed, Moscow appears to have the means to block efforts to change the composition of the peacekeeping force, and to check an expansion of UN involvement in Abkhazia. Japaridze pointed to Russia's veto power in the UN Security Council as a major barrier to invocation of Chapter 7 of the UN Charter. "They say it is up to us, but that they do not see any need for this and will veto it," he said.

Concerning the peacekeeping force, internationalization, especially if it includes a US troop component, could hasten Russia's withdrawal from the Gudauta military base in Abkhazia. That prospect provides an incentive for Moscow to block the measure. While Russian authorities assert that they withdrew military hardware limited by the Treaty on Conventional Armed Forces in Europe in 2001, some Russian forces remain. Although this has never been internationally verified, Aleksander Yakovenko, spokesman for the Russian Foreign Ministry, noted that the facility is currently used "in the interests of the CIS peacekeeping force and UNOMIG." Thus, as long as CIS peacekeepers maintain their role, Russian forces are unlikely to withdraw from the facility.

Shevardnadze announced July 21 that he had sent Russian President Vladimir Putin a forceful protest note concerning Russia's recent actions in Abkhazia. In the letter Shevardnadze charged; "It is categorically unacceptable that Russia pursues a policy of double standards with regard to Abkhazia, and assumes a superficial attitude toward the January 16, 1996, decision by CIS leaders that obliges the international community and CIS countries to sever all bilateral economic and political relations with the leadership of separatist regimes."

In recent months, Moscow has taken action that effectively helps legitimize Abkhazia's claims to independence, including the introduction of a new express ferry service and the reopening of the railway between Sokhumi and Sochi. Georgian officials have also bitterly complained about Russia's decision to grant Russian passports to thousands of Abkhaz. These development underscore what Georgia's UN ambassador, Revaz Adamia, characterized as the "ongoing annexation of Abkhazia."

At present it appears that Shevardnadze's administration has few means with which either to compel or to coax changes in Russia's policies. The international community, meanwhile, appears to lack the will to take steps that would alter the existing status quo concerning Abkhazia.

Such a lack of will was on display at a late July meeting in Geneva of the "Group of Friends" of the UN Secretary General – a group that includes France, Germany, Russia, United Kingdom, and United States. The talks, designed to review the Georgian-Abkhaz peace process, did little to promote optimism for a significant breakthrough. In considering ways to promote the return of displaced persons, for example, the Group of Friends could only recommend that 20 specialists be commissioned to train local law-enforcement personnel to enhance security in repatriation zones.

At about the same time, UN Secretary General Kofi Annan lamented in a July 25 report that the political status of Abkhazia remained unresolved. "While the parties moved ahead on economic cooperation and refugee return, little notable progress was made on the political and security matters, including the future status of Abkhazia within the state of Georgia, and the question of security guarantees," Annan said.