EurasiaNet Eurasia Insight - Parliament Approves New Constitution, Easing Kyrgyzstan’s Political Crisis

EURASIA INSIGHT

PARLIAMENT APPROVES NEW CONSTITUTION, EASING KYRGYZSTAN’S POLITICAL CRISIS
Daniel Sershen 11/08/06

Kyrgyzstan’s parliament approved a new constitution late on November 8, thus resolving a political crisis that had threatened to engulf the capital Bishkek in violence for the second time in less than two years.

In a late-night session that lasted less than an hour, MPs approved constitutional changes that significantly trimmed President Kurmanbek Bakiyev’s authority. The reduction of executive powers had been the central demand of nearly week-long, anti-administration protests in Bishkek, organized by the For Reforms coalition. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive.] Only 24 hours earlier, it appeared that the two sides were headed for confrontation, but a joint commission negotiated a compromise arrangement in the early hours of November 8. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive.]

For much of the day on November 8, Bakiyev hesitated to approve rule changes necessary for the adoption of the constitutional changes, raising concerns that the compromise could collapse. In the end, Bakiyev approved the measures, prompting State Secretary Adakhan Madumarov to declare: "all the issues have been resolved," the Kabar news agency reported.

Under Kyrgyzstan’s old constitution the executive branch dominated the legislature. The changes, drafted November 8 by a commission of four pro-administration and four opposition lawmakers, provides for a mixed presidential-parliamentary system, according to the version distributed by several local news agencies.

Although some key economic, security, and administrative bodies remained under presidential control, the constitutional changes gave Kyrgyzstan’s parliament, the Jogorku Kenesh, responsibility for the formation and oversight of the government. Specifically, the party that gains the most seats in parliament, and not the president, will have the opportunity to name the prime minister and oversee his or her appointments, subject to presidential confirmation. Similarly, parliament retains the right to declare no confidence in any or all of the members of the cabinet with a simple majority vote. The increase of parliamentary authority over the government was one of the opposition’s key demands.

Another point of heated debate, the number and method of election of MPs, was less of an outright victory for the For Reforms coalition. The new legislature will consist of 90 deputies, half of them selected from party lists and half elected in first-past-the-post elections. The opposition hoped for a greater number of party-list seats. The current legislature has 75 seats.

Speaker of Parliament Marat Sultanov, considered a Bakiyev ally, told AKIpress that even the opposition’s own ideal constitution gave greater powers to the president than the compromise version.

Prior to the late-night parliamentary session, Deputy Director of the OSCE Academy in Bishkek Emil Juraev expressed confidence that the compromise would hold. "Neither side can benefit from drawing out the situation," he said, speaking in a private, not professional capacity. "They know it’s dangerous for them."

Meanwhile, Bishkek residents seemed concerned mostly with avoiding a repeat of the disorder and economic losses caused by the tumultuous ouster of Bakiyev’s predecessor, Askar Akayev, in March, 2005. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive.] Although some sympathized with the opposition’s claims that Bakiyev had done nothing to rein in the corruption and nepotism that flourished under Akayev, many expressed disapproval of the opposition’s methods.

"You know what I wish?" said Urmat Abdyldayev, a salesman at Bishkek’s central department store. "I wish they would move the whole White House [government headquarters] to a far-away part of the city where there are no people, and then let them have their protests."

Given Kyrgyzstan’s recent instability, Bishkek residents were wondering if the country had seen the end of mass protests. Juraev said it was "easy to imagine" a scenario in which people turned out again to protest the new constitution in a year or two. He said Kyrgyzstan’s true problem was its underdeveloped political culture. "People are tired of protests," he said, but "it is clear that Kyrgyzstan cannot manage to assemble a normal political process."

Editor’s Note: Daniel Sershen is a freelance journalist based in Bishkek.

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