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EURASIA INSIGHT

NIYAZOV TARGETS RUSSIANS AS CLAMPDOWN CONTINUES FOLLOWING ASSASSINATION ATTEMPT IN TURKMENISTAN
12/04/02

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A security sweep in Turkmenistan, coming in response to an assassination attempt against President Saparmurat Niyazov, is expanding. Niyazov has accused the Russian government of abetting a conspiracy to kill him, and is reportedly planning to purge all government workers in Ashgabat holding dual Turkmen-Russian citizenship. Meanwhile, Russia appears to be backing off earlier pledges to cooperate with Turkmenistan.

At the same time, the US government has criticized Turkmen authorities for rights violations connected with mass arrests made since the November 25 assassination attempt in Ashgabat. [For additional details see the Eurasia Insight archives]. Specifically, Washington has complained about the treatment of a dual American-Russian citizen arrested November 26, and identified by Russian media as Leonid Komarovsky.

"While we understand the government of Turkmenistan’s desire to investigate thoroughly the attack [against Niyazov], we are concerned by the manner in which the investigation is being conducted," US State Department spokesman Philip Reeker said in a December 3 statement. "We are also concerned that the US Embassy did not receive immediate notification of, and was not allowed timely consular access to an arrested American citizen – in clear violation of Turkmenistan’s obligations under international law."

At a cabinet meeting December 2, Niyazov shrugged off foreign criticism of his response to the assassination attempt, as well as anti-government protests that are reported to have taken place in Turkmenistan. "They [foreign governments] try to challenge us, and if we fight them, they say, ‘human rights are being violated,’" Turkmen television reported Niyazov as saying. "They all have political purposes."

At the same meeting, Niyazov assailed Russia, claiming Moscow provided direct assistance to the three Turkmen opposition leaders – former Foreign Minister Boris Shikhmuradov, former Central Bank chief Khudaiberdy Orazov and former ambassador to Turkey Nurmuhammed Khanamov – accused of conspiring to kill the Turkmen president. Many exiled opposition leaders have found refuge in Moscow in the years since Turkmenistan gained independence in 1991.

According to a report by the Moscow-based Memorial human rights group, Niyazov said the Russian government "gave apartments to Shikhmuradov, Orazov and Khanamov. When they are needed, they are taken out of their apartments and are used, but for the rest of the time they are laying low." Niyazov went on to say the reason why Russia cooperates with Turkmen opposition leaders is a desire to purchase Turkmen gas at $22 per 1,000 cubic meters rather than at the current cost of $42 per 1,000 cubic meters. "Our riches attract the attention of larger countries," Niyazov was quoted as saying in the Memorial report.

Opposition leaders have denied conspiring to kill Niyazov, and insist that Russia is not involved in their non-violent efforts to topple the Turkmen leader. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. A statement issued by the United Democratic Opposition of Turkmenistan characterized the assassination attempt as a "provocation organized by Saparmurat Niyazov himself."

So far, security agents have arrested dozens of Turkmen citizens, many of them relatives of the alleged conspirators. Memorial, citing information obtained by underground human rights activists in Turkmenistan, says Niyazov is broadening the scope of his clampdown.

Government officials have ordered schools in Ashgabat to submit information about students to the Ministry for National Security, Memorial said. The government reportedly maintains that it seeks to identify potential students to attend three special Russian-language schools now being planned. But human rights sources told Memorial that the chief aim of this exercise is to use school records to uncover parents who hold dual Turkmen-Russian citizenship. The government especially wants to "identify Russian citizens among those serving in government with the aim of subsequently firing them," the Memorial report stated.

"Especially troubling is the fact that this campaign has gained momentum at a time when anti-Russian rhetoric from official Ashgabat is getting stronger," Memorial added.

Given Niyazov’s recent condemnations, Russian officials are disinclined to cooperate with Ashgabat on the assassination investigation and related issues. For instance, Memorial activists say they have received information that Moscow is willing to reconsider the planned extradition of Murad Garabayev – a former deputy chief of the Turkmen Central Bank, and a dual Turkmen-Russian national. Garabayev is wanted in Turkmenistan for alleged financial improprieties. After more than a month of refusing to hear Garabayev’s appeal, Memorial activists say a Moscow City Court now appears willing to hear the case on "an expedited basis."

In an interview with the Prima news agency November 30, Shikhmuradov contended that Niyazov’s reaction to the assassination attempt is an indicator that the president’s cult of personality rested on a shaky foundation. "He always talks about how he is not afraid of us [the united opposition movement], but at the same time, he always tries to blame us for all his failures and mistakes."

"Niyazov has understood that the situation is slipping from his control and has started to look for alternative ways to saving his vulnerable position," Shikhmuradov said.

Posted December 4, 2002 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org

The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website, meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed debate about the social, political and economic developments of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation that promotes the development of open societies around the world by supporting educational, social, and legal reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex and controversial issues.

The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the position of the Open Society Institute and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.

 
 
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