Afghan President Convenes Council Amid Questions of his Future Role

Hamid Karzai, Afghanistan's president, made progress toward two goals on December 14. Karzai, the country's interim president, convened a constitutional Loya Jirga, or grand council, to create laws for an Afghan democracy. He also seeks to become that democracy's first president, with ample executive power, in elections scheduled for 2004. On the session's first day, he garnered support for an affirmation of strong presidential powers in the constitution. In so doing, Karzai showed some 500 delegates in Kabul how skillfully he can manage political disputes.

Enjoying the status that incumbency brings, Karzai made a campaign speech of sorts in his opening cabinet's report. "Two and a half million Afghans have returned home. We have a stable and unit currency," he declared. He also showcased the growth of independent media and reforms in the Defense Ministry, arguing that militias had begun to disarm in Mazar-e-Sharif and elsewhere. Within the council, Karzai saw his ally Sebqatallah Mojadedi elected chairman. This deflated a move by proponents of a parliamentary system to disqualify other Karzai allies. But the Loya Jirga has scarcely begun. Unfinished conversations in the late hours of December 15 left the impression that some delegates still intend to press for a parliamentary system.

One of the best-known advocates of a parliamentary system accused Karzai of using his status to skew debate on the constitution. Burhanuddin Rabbani, a former head of state like Mojadedi, staked out an anti-presidential position. Rabbani led the government that fell to the Taliban militia in 1996 and led the resistance, formerly called the Northern Alliance. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. He argues that a parliamentary system would keep presidential power in check- and implied on December 14 that Karzai's power already needs a check. "Some ministers had the task of persuading Jirga members to favor the presidential system, which I believe is illegal and embarrassing," he told EurasiaNet. "Such an act is against democracy."

Though many delegates espoused the idea that a strong chief executive was dangerously likely to turn into a dictator, others argued that a powerful presidency could safeguard Afghan democracy. Qayum Karzai, the president's brother, told EurasiaNet: "A democratic and independent vote of the people's members, God willing, will support [a presidential system. But I, as a member, also think the presidential system would help us get over this critical moment." Safia Sediqi, a female lawyer from Nangarhar who became the Loya Jirga's fourth deputy chairperson on December 15, argued that a powerful president could help Afghanistan on its long road to stability and peace. "I and so many other women whom I talked with want the presidential system," she said.

The history of the rule of warlords hangs over the structural debate. In the 2002 Emergency Loya Jirga that created an interim government to succeed the Taliban militia, provincial warlords seized a large degree of power. These warlords had assisted the American-led campaign to oust the Taliban in autumn 2001, and acted like regal presences at the council. [For background see EurasiaNet's Emergency Loya Jirga coverage]. While Karzai could not boast of having ended the influence of warlords, they appeared subdued at the constitutional convention. Gul Agha Shirzai, the former Kandahar governor, has taken to wearing Western-style business clothes. Ismail Khan, the chief of Herat, reportedly did not get an invitation to this conference; Abdul Rashid Dostum of Mazar-e-Sharif does not command attention as he did in 2002. Dostum, who has begun a disarmament process under pressure from the central government and allies, did not appear happy as the proceedings continued. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

When warlords lose power, security concerns shift but do not necessarily diminish. Former president Rabbani insisted that despite Karzai's many achievements the security situation has actually gotten worse since last year. "We cannot say that the Taliban just crossed the border from Pakistan and in some cases has taken over some provinces," Rabbani told EurasiaNet, arguing that Taliban forces have been active within Afghanistan. "I want to the local people to resist the Taliban again."

To Rabbani, the dangers of resurgent extremism demand a parliamentary system. "How can the president without help settle everything?" he asked. "I think we need a parliamentary system because with the help of all ethnic groups, we can fight terrorism and other issues." The constitutional question at work is whether a president with great official authority can enforce that authority in a fragmented country like Afghanistan.

Not surprisingly, Karzai's cabinet generally argues that strong presidential authority can nurture national security institutions. These arguments have some nuance. "I think that generally speaking in terms of powerful national structures, the parliamentary system is the best," said Foreign Minister Abdullah Abdullah, a former leader of the old Northern Alliance and its successors. "But at this time we need a presidential system. Having a presidential system doesn't mean that we don't have a parliament or that the parliament is largely symbolic."

The finer points of this dispute dominated the Loya Jirga's first day, leading some delegates to expect protracted debate on other issues as well. But Abdullah insisted that democracy would triumph no matter what. "Of course, if the majority of the Loya Jirga wants a parliamentary system and votes on it, then that's fine," he said. "They are representing our people and the people should have the chance to choose what they want without force."