|
ARMENIA: ALL THE PRESIDENTS MEN
Anna Hakobyan: 3/2/02
A EurasiaNet Partner Post from Transitions
Online
In a case that has prompted claims of political interference,
a presidential bodyguard has received a one-year suspended
prison sentence on 21 February for manslaughter while on duty.
The bodyguard, Aghamal Harutiunian, who faced a maximum of
three years in prison, will now serve a 12-month probation
period. Judge Mnatsakan Martirosian said Harutiunian should
not have to go to prison because of his "positive characteristics."
The sentence was condemned by the victim's family as too
lenient and has proved highly controversial, partly because
of the judge's refusal to admit the evidence of a key eyewitness,
a British expatriate. The judgment effectively accepts the
bodyguard's version of the events that led to the death of
Poghos Poghosian, a Georgian of Armenian descent, in the men's
room of the Poplavok jazz cafe just minutes after the president
had left the club.
In his testimony, Harutiunian said that he had "reprimanded"
Porghosian after Poghosian greeted President Robert Kocharian
in a way the bodyguard thought was too familiar. The bodyguard
said Poghosian then led him into the toilet and punched him
in the face. In self-defense, Harutiunian said, he gave Poghosian
a "gentle shove," causing Poghosian to hit his head on the
floor.
Most accounts indicate that the clash began after Porghosian
shouted "Hello, Rob!" to the president as he passed
Porghosian's table in the company of French singer Charles
Aznavour. In contrast to Harutiunian's testimony, Gurgen Arsenian,
the head of Kocharian's bodyguard service, testified that
Poghosian, a member of the pro-Kocharian Armenian Revolutionary
Federation-Dashnaktsutiun (HHD), had cursed the president.
At this point, accounts diverge. Indeed, in admitting that
he was in some way involved in the events leading to Poghosian's
death, Harutiunian went further than the 25 out of 26 witnesses
who were unwilling to confirm his involvement in court.
The key evidence against Harutiunian was not heard in the
trial after the judge refused to accept a written statement
by the only person to come forward as a witness to the events
in the toilet. British citizen Stephen Newton claimed Harutiunian
had given a "totally false account" of events. In Newton's
account, Harutiunian led Poghosian into the toilets, accompanied
by five to seven of the president's men. When Newton's companion
said, "They will kill him," Newton went to the toilets.
There he found Poghosian still alive, frothing at the mouth.
He had been “very badly beaten around the head, probably
kicked, and a large lump on his left temple, about the size
of a thumb, indicated a possible blow from a pistol or similar
blunt instrument. After the bodyguards had left, several men
entered and tried to persuade Newton that they would "deal
with this now." Newton, who had contacts with the government,
recognized the men as members of the president's staff.
According to Armenia Weekly, an English-language weekly,
State Prosecutor Eduard Sarikian had himself argued that Newton's
testimony should not be accepted because it was not prepared
"according to Armenian law." When the attorney acting for
the victim's brother, Andranik Poghosian, asked whether that
shouldn't be an argument for the defense to make, Sarikian
replied, "My job is to protect the law." After Sarikian's
speech for the prosecution, Andranik Poghosian walked out
of the courtroom, accusing law enforcement agencies of covering
up the murder and saying, "This court is paying lip service
to the president of the republic." Sarikian, who was
seen chatting with and shaking the hands of the bodyguard's
supporters during the trial, refused to talk to journalists
after the verdict.
Other unusual features of the trial have aroused suspicions
about the quality of justice in the case. Harutiunian was,
for example, allowed to sit on a bench like an ordinary spectator,
rather than behind bars. In addition, during the trial most
witnesses changed their initial testimonies. Moreover, the
judge refused to accept Andranik Poghosian's appeal to cross-examine
more witnesses, including several other Kocharian bodyguards,
arguing that the 46-day trial would last five years.
The case has been heavily criticized by Georgian and international
human rights groups, including Human Rights Watch, which condemned
Kocharian for not acting on his promise to bring to justice
everyone involved in the crime. While maintaining a seemingly
neutral position on the trial, the president has also been
criticized for not taking further steps to make potential
witnesses at the trial feel safe.
Many political parties, regardless of affiliation, have
also expressed doubts about the trial. Galust Sahakian, who
heads the pro-government Miasnutiun grouping in parliament,
has said, "I personally find it hard to understand such a
verdict handed down in a murder case." Dashnaktsutiun, the
party of which Poghosian was a member, criticized the verdict
as "unjust" but continued to support Kocharian, stating the
belief that he had exerted no pressure in the case. The Armenian
Communist Party lambasted the trial, saying it resembled a
"game."
Immediately after Poghosian's death, Georgia's ethnic Armenian
media responded angrily, adding it to a list of cases of torture,
violence, and pressure by officials. The Armenian public as
a whole appears to believe the administration applied pressure
and that numerous witnesses were afraid to speak. A widespread
view is that the case was just one example of the impunity
granted to security officers, and that Poghosian's death became
public only because of the presence of foreigners and prominent
public figures.
Email this article
Posted March 2,
2002 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org
 |
 |
The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website,
meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed
debate about the social, political and economic developments
of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the
Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New
York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation
that promotes the development of open societies around
the world by supporting educational, social, and legal
reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex
and controversial issues.
The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily
represent the position of the Open Society Institute and
are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.
|
 |
 |
|