|
AFGHANISTAN: TALK OF STRIKES THROWS LIFELINE
TO OPPOSITION
Tony Wesolowsky: 9/19/01
A EurasiaNet Partner Post from RFE/RL
The Afghan opposition seemed on the verge of irrelevancy
-- or worse, extinction -- earlier this month. On 9 September,
the Northern Alliance lost its charismatic leader, Ahmad Shah
Masood. He was mortally wounded when a bomb -- hidden in a
camera held by two assassins posing as journalists -- exploded
at Masood's headquarters on Afghanistan's northern border
with Tajikistan. He died of his injuries six days later.
The assassination attempt came just two days before the
devastating terrorist attacks on New York and Washington.
U.S. President George W. Bush is vowing to find and punish
not only the perpetrators of those attacks but states or groups
that assisted them in any way. And the man Washington sees
as most likely to be behind the attacks is Saudi-born extremist
Osama bin Laden, who is believed to be hiding in Afghanistan
with the Taliban's cooperation.
The U.S. is widely perceived as preparing to launch a military
strike against Afghanistan -- possibly including ground forces
-- to not only capture or kill bin Laden himself, but also
to destroy the network of "terrorist camps" he is believed
to have set up there.
Given its remote location and mountainous terrain, any military
operation in Afghanistan will prove tricky, to say the least.
The very name given to the mountains of Afghanistan -- the
Hindu Kush -- means "killer of the Hindus." The Soviet Union
was the last nation to learn how difficult it is to wage war
in Afghanistan. Moscow withdrew in defeat in 1989 after 10
years and the loss of some 15,000 soldiers.
But Afghanistan's anti-Taliban opposition knows the terrain
well and could prove useful to the United States. The opposition's
ambassador to the United Nations, Ravan Farhadi, told our
correspondent in an exclusive interview that the forces opposed
to the Taliban would be willing to hunt down bin Laden.
"We are insisting that assistance is given to us because
by this way, because we know the population, we are the sons
of that country, and we know all the conditions, and we know
what's happening in each region, and therefore we can deal
with the matter and we can locate Osama bin Laden."
Farhadi accuses the United States of looking too much to
Pakistan -- which neighbors Afghanistan -- for help. Farhadi
questions how Pakistan -- one of only three states to officially
recognize the Taliban -- can be a reliable ally to the Americans:
"The best option for me, is, number one, not to bank only
on Pakistan. This is wrong to bank on Pakistan. [ISI], which
is Inter-Service Intelligence, is the military intelligence
of Pakistan. These people, they created the Taliban, and now
how can we use them to correct the attitude of the Taliban?
Because the same General Mahmoud [Ahmed], who is the head
of the ISI, the military intelligence of Pakistan, was the
one who was advising for months and months to the Taliban
to keep bin Laden in Afghanistan and to protect bin Laden."
Tony Davis is a defense analyst for Jane's military publishing
group. He says Pakistan will be integral to any U.S. military
action against Afghanistan, given that it could serve as a
launch site for aerial strikes. But, he adds, the Afghan opposition
also could serve in several capacities, especially intelligence
gathering. Davis says:
"The Northern Alliance is in a position to offer several
things. One, and not to be sniffed at, is good intelligence
on what's happening in various parts of Afghanistan. Now clearly,
that intelligence will become probably less reliable the further
away you got from their own areas of control. Nevertheless,
given the fact that the Northern Alliance is not confined
only to the northeast, it has significant wide pockets of
guerrilla activity in central and western Afghanistan, those
areas are dotted around a lot of Afghanistan."
Some commentators suggest that should any U.S.-led military
operation in Afghanistan turn to ground fighting, the Northern
Alliance would seem a natural ally. As for the number of its
fighters, Davis says the Afghan opposition has between 12,000
and 15,000 fighters in Takhar and Badakhstan provinces and
in the Panjshir Valley, all in the northeast corner of Afghanistan.
But Davis says -- adding in "pockets" of guerrillas scattered
across Afghanistan -- that figure could balloon to some 25,000
fighters, a number many other Afghanistan observers say is
high.
As for military hardware, Davis says the Afghan opposition
is "lightly armed" with an arsenal amounting to a few armored
fighting vehicles and tanks procured from neighboring Tajikistan,
as well as several multiple-rocket launcher systems, two attack
helicopters, and a "limited number" of transport helicopters.
The Northern Alliance's UN ambassador, Farhadi, says the
strength of the opposition is routinely underestimated. He
says the anti-Taliban coalition is not to be written off.
He contends the opposition controls not 10 percent of Afghanistan's
territory, as is routinely reported, but closer to 25 percent.
"It is not only Northern Alliance, it is also many fighters
and commanders who are in the west of Afghanistan, who are
in the north of Afghanistan. There is General [Abdul Rashid]
Dostum. There is also [the] especially successful Ismail Khan.
In the last three months Ismail Khan has been able to inflict
defeats in the battles against the Taliban."
What about the loss of Masood? Is the Afghan opposition
in disarray after losing its forceful leader? Not according
to Farhadi, who says Masood's assassination has actually galvanized
the opposition. Farhadi's message of opposition unity is also
echoed by Dostum in an interview he gave to RFE/RL's Turkmen
Service:
"Ahmad Shah Masood has established a military system. Bismillah
Khan is the leading commander for Kabul. In Takhar province,
it's General Fahim. He serves as acting defense minister.
Mullah Pirimkul is the commander for Gokche. In northern Afghanistan,
it's me. In Khazarajat [region] Khalili, in Herat, Ismail
Khan. I can assure you that the Talips [Taliban] cannot succeed
against us. All the Mujaheed side is willing to avenge [the
killing of] Masood. Our morale is very high. Talips cannot
win over us. I was always in contact with Ahmad Shah Masood.
And now I keep contact with [ousted Afghan president] President
[Burhanuddin] Rabbani, Dr. Abdullah, [and] General Fahim every
hour. We all have a united political and military position."
Davis, the Jane's defense expert, predicts that while Fahim
has succeeded Masood as the opposition's overall military
leader, another opposition leader, Abdullah Abdullah, could
become the contact man between the opposition and the West
in coordinating any Northern Alliance involvement in U.S.
military action in Afghanistan.
"Abdullah Abdullah, in my estimation, will emerge as the
overall leader. He has no military experience. He's been on
the frontline a lot with Masood, but he's not a commander.
He's had no command experience. So I would imagine that he
will emerge as the international point man, as effectively
the leader, who on the military front will defer to advice
he gets from Fahid and others."
If a military campaign in Afghanistan leads to calls to
oust the Taliban from power, Davis says the Afghan opposition
-- which holds positions just some 50 kilometers north of
the capital, Kabul -- could be well-situated to move in. In
such a scenario, Davis says the U.S. may be unwilling to move
on Kabul, just as Washington opted not to march on Baghdad
to oust Iraqi leader Saddam Hussein during the Gulf War:
"If the Americans decided that they wanted to dismantle
Taliban power, in toto, then the Northern Alliance would be
the only force in a position to move into the capital, were
a vacuum to take place."
(Naz Nazar of the Turkmen Service contributed to this report.)
Email this article
Posted September 19, 2000 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org
 |
 |
The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website,
meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed
debate about the social, politcal and economic developments
of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the
Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New
York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation
that promotes the development of open societies around
the world by supporting educational, social, and legal
reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex
and controversial issues.
The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily
represent the position of the Open Society Institute
and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.
|
 |
 |
|