Kyrgyzstan: Former Premier Felix Kulov Reemerges on Bishkek's Political Stage

With Kyrgyzstan's political situation still in flux, one of the lions of Kyrgyz politics in the post-Soviet era, Felix Kulov, is reemerging from the shadows. In an exclusive interview with EurasiaNet.org, Kulov counseled pragmatism as the provisional government wrestles with the present and starts pondering how to account for the past.

Many ordinary Kyrgyz appear to want a significant break with the old order after April 6-7 political turmoil brought about the collapse of Kurmanbek Bakiyev's administration. In particular, there seems to be significant popular support for a shift toward younger, fresher faces in positions of power. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

Like many leading members of the provisional government, Kulov is a political veteran: he held top governmental posts for much of the 1990s, and served as prime minister from 2005-2007. And like some top politicians in Kyrgyzstan, he has been dogged by corruption allegations. In Kulov's case, he even served prison time on a dubious abuse-of-power conviction in 2001. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive].

While acutely aware of the fact that rampant corruption was a contributing factor in the ouster of the country's last two presidents -- Bakiyev and Askar Akayev -- Kulov insisted that experienced hands were needed in Kyrgyzstan's next government. Provisional leaders have vowed to hold elections within six months.

"If we talk about putting entirely new and young people in the government, it will be incorrect," he said. "If young people with no experience come to power now, they will be learning [on the job], which will only make people suffer. There should be experienced and young people [in government], a symbiosis, harmony," he said.

Kulov praised the provisional government's intent to establish a "western European parliamentary system." As leader of the Ar-Namys (Dignity) Party, he was non-committal about his personal plans. But he affirmed that he would lead his party into elections, and expressed willingness to participate in the government. "First, we have to get through the elections," he cautioned.

He ruled out running for president, if the future system, as expected, features a relatively weak chief executive. "If it is a nominal presidency, it's not interesting. They need to find some pensioner who wants to sit there. I'm the leader of a political party. I cannot just sit there and do nothing. I have to do something," he said.

Kulov criticized the provisional government's approach on Bakiyev, who is now in southern Kyrgyzstan, his home region, giving provocative interviews and claiming that he is still the duly elected president of the country. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. The provisional government has tried a variety of methods to get Bakiyev out of the political picture, first offering him security guarantees to go into exile, then announcing it wanted to arrest him. Bakiyev has vowed that "there will be blood," if the provisional government tries to take him into custody.

Kulov urged provisional leaders to impeach Bakiyev through legal means. The paramount objectives in handling the Bakiyev end-game should be the avoidance of additional bloodshed and the adherence to the rule of law. "The families of the victims feel very strongly that they do not want Bakiyev out of the country, they need to try him in court," he said. "He must answer for the deaths of the people, and he must return the money that he stole."

If he were a member of the interim government, Kulov said he would push to reinstate parliament and initiate impeachment proceedings by the legally elected deputies. "Even though they were his supporters, they would agree to his impeachment. ? It would have a significant psychological effect on those in the South and [Bakiyev's] supporters if the parliament were brought back ? and voted for his impeachment."

Citing his own security background, Kulov cautioned against attempts to take Bakiyev by force, as Azimbek Beknazarov, the interim security minister, called for on April 13. "The new government risks its legitimacy if it sheds blood in the quest to capture Bakiyev," he said.

"If there are more civilian deaths, it will cause mass conflict," he said. "I wouldn't risk it. Therefore, I propose more civilized ways of solving the situation; they need to resolve it within the framework of the constitution."

Looking relaxed in his Bishkek office, wearing a blue pinstripe suit with an open collar, Kulov also discussed his own political falling out with Bakiyev. In the immediate aftermath of the 2005 Tulip Revolution, Kulov served as Bakiyev's chief lieutenant. Given Bakiyev's political roots in southern Kyrgyzstan, along with Kulov's northern antecedents, the political tandem sought initially to smooth over long-standing political, economic and social tension existing between the two regions. Those efforts proved unsuccessful, and Kulov was ultimately replaced as prime minister in early 2007.

"When I was prime minister, I couldn't do anything, I didn't have enough power. ? That is the reason why he got rid of me," Kulov explained, speaking of the president.

Recalling his own experience, Kulov suggested that the work of the existing provisional government could be hampered by internal rivalries. "All of [them] have their own views on things, and there will be discussions and fights. That's why they will not be able to work for long, and they want to accelerate the elections," he said.

In recent years, Kulov has stayed out of the political spotlight, working on an initiative to harness Kyrgyzstan's considerable hydropower potential. He retains extensive foreign contacts, however. In 2007, shortly after his dismissal as prime minister, he raised eyebrows by promoting a plan to create a confederation including Russia, Kyrgyzstan and other former Soviet states. Acknowledging his association with the confederation idea, Kulov said that he hadn't had any contact with Russian political leaders, other than on business matters, since he was prime minister in 2007.

One of the biggest immediate questions for Kyrgyzstan is the future status of the US transit center at Manas Airport, outside of Bishkek. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. Kulov believes that member states of the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) ought to be consulted on Bishkek's plans for Manas. He added that the base should continue to operate as long as instability in Afghanistan remains a threat to regional security.

Bakiyev's biggest political mistake was accepting Russian aid in return for promising to close the American base, and then letting the Americans stay, Kulov contended. [For background see the Eurasia Insight archive]. "That is called political prostitution," Kulov said. "Either you say honestly to your friends in the CSTO that the Americans should stay and raise the arguments and they agree with you, or you say that the Americans should leave and it is your decision. But, if you promise something to someone, and then play around like that, that is not correct. There should be honest relations."

"We have our personal interest in the Americans stabilizing the situation in Afghanistan. That is in the interest of the CSTO [members] as well," Kulov said. He stressed that "first of all, we should act in the interests of the organizations we belong to."