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EXPERT DISCUSSES PROSPECTS FOR COMPREHENSIVE
SOUTH CAUCASUS STABILITY PACT
Q&A With Michael Emerson: 4/5/01
The Key West round of negotiations are continuing between
Armenia and Azerbaijan on a political settlement to Nagorno-Karabakh.
Both Armenian President Robert Kocharian and his Azerbaijani
counterpart, Heidar Aliyev, have been guarded in evaluating
the prospects for a breakthrough in Key West. The negotiations
have been conducted under the auspices of the OSCE Minsk Group.
Other organizations are also promoting solutions to the South
Caucasus conundrum, including the Brussels-based Centre for
European Policy Studies (CEPS), which in 2000 produced a comprehensive
regional stabilization plan. Michael Emerson -- a former EU
Ambassador to the Soviet Union and subsequently to the Russian
Federation, currently Senior Fellow at CEPS – is helping to
promote the plan. Discussions on the proposal have prompted
CEPS into cooperation with the Turkish Social and Economic
Studies Foundation (TESEV), an independent think tank in Istanbul.
In February 2001 TESEV organized a conference in Istanbul,
bringing together ministers and senior officials as well as
independent experts, which was the first occasion of multilateral
dialogue in the spirit and format of a possible Caucasus Stability
Pact. Emerson took time recently to discuss the stability
pact plan with EurasiaNet. The transcript of the interview
follows:
EurasiaNet: How did the Caucasus Stability Pact (CSP)
proposal come to be elaborated?
Emerson: At the political level, the initiative came
from President [Suleiman] Demirel of Turkey in late 1999,
followed rapidly by Presidents [Eduard] Shevardnadze of Georgia,
Aliyev of Azerbaijan, and Kocharian of Armenia. All these
figures made public statements, around the time of the OSCE
summit in Istanbul in November 1999, referring to the need
for a Caucasus Stability Pact. Speaking personally, I use
"stability pact" as a loose, generic shorthand for a comprehensive,
regional, multilateral, multi-sectoral initiative to bring
peace and cooperation to a region beset by ethnic conflict.
The CEPS work sought to give expression in a technical and
professional manner to the ideas expressed by these political
leaders. We were not following the Balkan Stability Pact model
at all precisely.
EurasiaNet: Why not?
Emerson: The Balkans and the South Caucasus are about
the same size and both are beset with post-communist transition
headaches with problems arising from ethnic mosaics. However,
the Balkans are in Europe, whereas the South Caucasus is on
the edge of Europe. Even when Europe gets more involved in
the South Caucasus, it will remain only one of a set of interested
parties including large regional states such as Russia and
Turkey. This is a fundamental difference between the South
Caucasus and the Balkans. In fact, those at the Istanbul conference
on February 17 found themselves inclined to rename it the
"Peaceful Caucasus Process," to prepare the ground for a comprehensive
settlement of the regional situation.
EurasiaNet: What happened at the Istanbul meeting?
Emerson: At the Istanbul meeting, organized by TESEV,
the 3+3+2 were represented at the deputy-minister or head-of-department
level, with a handful of academics also present. Perhaps I
should explain that "3+3+2" refers to the three South Caucasus
states (Armenia, Azerbaijan, and Georgia), plus their three
big neighbors (Russia, Turkey and Iran), plus the two even
bigger "outsiders" (the European Union and the United States).
This group of eight was specifically mentioned at the OSCE
Istanbul summit in November 1999, but nothing had happened
at that level since then, until this conference convened by
the Istanbul-based think tank TESEV with CEPS. What is significant
is that the official parties there found the process of speaking
together around the table to be constructive, addressed the
agenda in a respectful manner, found the result satisfactory
and concluded that another such conference should be planned.
EurasiaNet: Do you anticipate that the EU will become
a vocal and constant advocate of this nascent process?
Emerson: The February 17 semi-official conference
in Istanbul is separate from EU diplomacy. As regards the
visit of the EU "troika" in mid-February, in my view it marks
a discernible turning-point in EU policy. Nothing substantial
or specific resulted from it, but it marks a commitment to
play a more active role in the region. Also, within the EU,
procedures were decided whereby the foreign ministers have
invited [Javier] Solana and the European Commission to make
recommendations for implementation of reinforced EU policy,
and to report back in time for the Belgian presidency later
this year. So the EU "supertanker," which takes some shifting
to change its course, is in fact changing its course here.
EurasiaNet: How do you respond to those observers
who criticized the CSP proposal, when it was first published,
as being too complicated?
Emerson: We sought to lay out a consistent model of
a certain sort, one with detailed descriptions of a certain
model of constitutional and political settlements of these
ethnic and separatist conflicts, on the basis of some experience
we have had in Europe with such conflicts -- something that
is neither ethnic cleansing nor outright independence but
more of a "fuzzy statehood" model. We sought then to surround
that with economic-development and regional-cooperation initiatives
which, if executed, would transform the prospects for the
region from its desperate present state. This may be slightly
complicated, but that is what these complicated societies
need in order to live together. I should add that the CSP
is not conceived as a single mega-regional multi-conflict
negotiation process. The individual conflicts have to be settled
each in its own way by the most concerned parties. However,
the individual settlements have to form part of a wider process
which can get seriously underway as soon as the major conflicts
are overcome and the frontier blockages removed. Of course
the South Caucasus is more complex than the Balkans, given
that more neighboring and outside powers are interested in
the region, without being invited or wanting (as the case
may be) to dominate it.
EurasiaNet: There are also those who consider the
CSP idea unrealistic. How would you answer them?
Emerson: Concerning what is "realistic"
in life, or in this sort of situation, you can use this word
in either of two ways. Either you can ask a diplomat or an
official what he thinks is realistic in terms of what he imagines
his minister may be ready to agree tomorrow, or you may ask
what would realistically be necessary to achieve the objectives
at which you are aiming. The objectives at which we aim are
to put an end to the conflicts and then to turn the whole
region around in terms of its fundamental development prospects,
in the societal, political and economic realms. Given the
low point to which region has descended, that is a formidable
task that can be accomplished only with large levers of action.
If you are not prepared to look at these large levers of action,
then to us that means you are not prepared to discuss the
future of the region in any serious way.
EurasiaNet: What distinguishes the CSP plan or process
from other ideas of arriving at an over-arching regional settlement?
Emerson: Well, I have to say that it is not a question
of what is the best approach. This is simply the only document
on the table. There just aren't any others. There are five-line
speeches by politicians, and that is it. The CSP may not be
the right approach, but it is the only one on offer as of
now.
EurasiaNet: What are the plans for the development
of the CSP or "Peaceful Caucasus Process"?
Emerson: We are seeking to organize a successor conference
to take place in the region perhaps this summer, and we hope
for constructive discussion by more or less the same set of
people. If a breakthrough actually occurs among the political
leaders, for example between Presidents Aliyev and Kocharian
over Nagorno-Karabakh, then one can imagine that the official
level would jump into the driving seat, in which case we would
be delighted. For the time being, we will seek to be facilitators
in providing a diplomatically uncomplicated way for the 3+3+2
to meet together in a semi-official, informal setting without
protocol, to allow the process to develop a momentum of its
own.
Editor’s Note: The interview with Mr. Emerson was
conducted for EurasiaNet by Dr. Robert M. Cutler (rmc@alum.mit.edu),
Research Fellow, Institute of European and Russian Studies,
Carleton University, Canada.
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Posted April 5, 2001 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org
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