Kyrgyz Opposition Leader Speaks
from Jail
4/26/00
In one of only two publicized interviews since being imprisoned
on March 22, Felix Kulov, head of the Ar-Namys Party and Kyrgyzstan’s
most prominent opposition leader, denied any illegal activity.
His denial, made during an interview with the president of
the International League for Human Rights (ILHR), and then
related to the Central Eurasia Project, will likely fuel criticism
of the government’s mishandling of the case that has become
a bellwether of Kyrgyzstan’s commitment to democratic freedoms.
In his interview with Scott Horton, a prominent American
attorney, Kulov claimed that one of the three charges -- arranging
for the transfer of military and security materiel to Tajikistan
in 1994-95 without government authorization -- is false. He
insisted that the necessary government authorization for the
transaction was obtained. He acknowledged some factual basis
for the other two charges: purchasing surveillance equipment
with outside funds for use by the Ministry of State Security
when he was Minister, and promoting a subordinate who lacked
higher education, or extensive experience. However, he reiterated
that his actions were not illegal, and did not justify five
weeks of imprisonment.
Scott Horton agrees. After questioning Kulov, as well as
the investigator assigned to the case and other relevant officials,
Horton told the CEP that he found the charges "bizarre
and ridiculous." He also decried the criminalization
of misdeeds that under domestic and international law would
be considered at worst to be administrative infractions.
The interview brought to light numerous due process violations.
For example, Kulov was unjustly denied the opportunity to
post bail, or to sign a binding statement that he would not
flee pending the arraignment. Kulov’s lawyer, Liubov Ivanova,
has been threatened, and told the newspaper Delo No.
that she has proof that her telephone has been tapped since
she took on the case. And, although Kulov has had almost daily
access to his defense counsel, authorities reportedly have
prohibited meetings when the one consultation room that presumably
is bugged has been occupied. The latter two violations are
particularly ironic since the principal charge against Kulov
involves illegal wiretapping.
The International League for Human Rights, among other independent
groups, has asserted that elements of political motivation
are present in this case. In a clear effort to intimidate
and possibly incapacitate Kulov, agents arrested him at the
hospital where he was undergoing outpatient treatment for
high blood pressure. The arrest came after parliamentary elections
– which were criticized as unfair by international organizations,
including the OSCE. In those allegedly rigged elections, Kulov’s
reportedly captured of a seat in parliament, only to have
the vote totals altered so as to deny him electoral victory.
Kulov was taken into custody immediately following the announcement
of his intention to challenge President Askar Akayev for the
presidency in a vote scheduled for later this year. Removing
him from public view made it less likely that Kulov could
benefit politically from anti-government protests against
election irregularities. The mere fact of facing criminal
charges casts doubt on his reputation at a crucial juncture
in his political career, regardless of whether they are ever
proved.
Horton noted with alarm suggestions advanced by Kyrgyz officials
that Kulov’s trial may be conducted in secret. "The charges
reveal no conceivable basis for conducting a secret trial.
Indeed, were it to occur, the state would be in clear violation
of article 14 [of the International Covenant] on Civil and
Political Rights," Horton said.
The Kyrgyz government so far has paid a significant price
for Kulov’s arrest. The capacity of thousands of citizens
to take to the street in sustained protest underscores the
depth of public concern over election fraud. The arrest has
also cost Kyrgyzstan support from its staunchest ally, the
United States. Secretary of State Madeleine Albright was outspoken
in her criticism during her meeting with President Akayev,
and during public appearances in Kyrgyzstan last week.
It has been suggested that the recent, marked deterioration
of civil and political rights protections in Kyrgyzstan is
evidence, at least in part, that that country is succumbing
to geographic realpolitik. Kyrgyzstan is surround by
bullying, authoritarian neighbors [For
background see the Eurasia Insight Archive]. Kyrgyzstan
seems to be marching down the same road as Kazakhstan, another
country that had enjoyed a promising post-independence record.
As Horton noted sardonically, "[Kyrgyzstan’s human rights
record] is still the best in Central Asia, but that no longer
means an awful lot."
It is likely that a trial conducted in conformity with due
process standards would result in Kulov’s acquittal on all
charges – an embarrassment to the government. Given the scope
of protest, Horton believes that President Akayev may seek
a face-saving compromise by releasing Kulov without actually
clearing him of the charges. The May 5 celebration of Independence
Day would be one occasion to include Kulov in a broader prisoner
amnesty. But President Akayev would do better to simply insure
that the criminal proceedings be open and credible. Any trial
of Felix Kulov before a judge would also serve as a trial
of the government’s respect for judicial rights in the court
of public opinion.
Email
this article
Posted April 26, 2000 ©Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org
 |
 |
The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website,
meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed
debate about the social, politcal and economic developments
of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the
Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New
York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation
that promotes the development of open societies around
the world by supporting educational, social, and legal
reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex
and controversial issues.
The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily
represent the position of the Open Society Institute
and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.
|
 |
 |
|