|
UNITED STATES AND EUROPEAN UNION EXPLORE COMMON
CASPAIN ENERGY POSITION
Q&A With A. Elizabeth Jones: 7/25/01
The United States and Russia have been jockeying in recent
months over a variety of strategic issues, among them Caspian
Basin energy export routes. EurasiaNet spoke to A. Elizabeth
Jones about recent energy-related developments in the Caspian
Basin. Jones was sworn in as Assistant Secretary of State
for European Affairs on May 31, 2001. Prior to her appointment
as assistant secretary, she had served as US ambassador to
Kazakhstan from 1995-98 and as Senior Advisor for Caspian
Basin Energy Diplomacy. Jones spoke to EurasiaNet shortly
before her latest appointment. The transcript of her comments
follows:
EurasiaNet: How would you characterize the continuities
and changes in US foreign policy concerning Caspian energy,
between the Clinton Administration and the Bush Administration?
Jones: The policy itself has not changed, because
the strategic principles underlying U.S. energy policy in
the Caspian region have not changed.
EurasiaNet: Would you enumerate those principles?
Jones: There are four of them. First, we support the
sovereignty and independence of the states in the region.
Second, we seek to promote the economic cooperation and interdependence
of the states in the region, as well as with Turkey and Europe.
Third, the Caspian region is of interest to the U.S. as a
reliable alternative source of energy. Fourth, we seek to
promote U.S. investment in the region. We undertake many measures
to implement all these goals, and energy policy is one of
those measures. We are focused not only on pipelines but also
on other aspects of the development of energy transportation:
not planning and engineering questions as they relate to pipelines,
but for example we have paid attention to the inclusion of
volumes from Kazakhstan into the Caspian energy transportation
system.
EurasiaNet: You are referring to the Memorandum of
Understanding signed earlier this year for Kashagan oil to
enter the Baku-Ceyhan pipeline?
Jones: Yes. There is work underway to develop an intergovernmental
agreement between Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan to cover the principles
that would apply to shipping oil and, eventually, gas across
the Caspian. It is necessary to specify how the intergovernmental
connections work, what the tax rules would be, and so forth.
The goal is to get away from the tendency to want to have
a monopoly role in each of those sectors and move towards
market. Also the Kazakhstan government and the energy producers
in Kazakhstan need to work out the business arrangements that
would govern shipments of oil from Aktau into the Baku-Ceyhan
line. For example, they would need to ensure the transparency
of pipeline rules and of the regulations for calculating costs,
as well as decide what the supporting costs would be and provide
for
barging arrangements.
EurasiaNet: There is a widespread impression that
this is an American attempt to compete with Russia for oil
volumes in a zero-sum game.
Jones: I'm glad you brought that up. In fact, the
U.S. Government has been consistently working to support the
Caspian Pipeline Consortium (CPC).
EurasiaNet: That's the one with the pipeline from
the Tengiz in western Kazakhstan, across southern Russia to
the Russian port of Novorossiisk on the Black Sea?
Jones: Right. The rumors and reports that the U.S.
has opposed to the CPC project because it goes through Russia
are simply false. I was the U.S. Ambassador to Kazakhstan
from October 1995 to October 1998, when the original structure
of the consortium fell apart. The U.S. did a considerable
amount of work during those years to convince people that
the CPC pipeline could in fact be built, and to assist in
the restructuring of the consortium so that it could find
financing.
EurasiaNet: The European Union has been trying to
promote a stable business environment in the Caspian region,
and with specific reference to the energy sector, through
such programs as TRACECA and INOGATE. Is there any U.S.-EU
cooperation on these matters?
Jones: I visited the EU in Brussels last November
along with other U.S. diplomats, and we all agreed, on both
sides, that there was a tremendous need for each of us to
understand what the other was doing. Mainly we were, first
of all, trying to make certain that we didn't overlap in the
wrong ways, as we were attempting then to coordinate policy
on Ukraine. Later, in January of this year, we worked out
a common response to the Russian cut-off of gas supplies to
Georgia. Since then, there have been discussions in Brussels
between the EU and the U.S. to stay in touch and make sure
we are working along complementary lines.
EurasiaNet: But have there been attempts for a more
systematic or strategic long-term coordination?
Jones: We had a set of bilateral U.S.-EU discussions
set for Washington in April, but they were postponed to July.
The agenda is absolutely huge. The intention is to formalize
more clearly and carefully all energy work we have because
there is so much of it now. It is interesting that the EU
interest in coordination came after Putin's visit to Paris
last November. They seem to feel, at least in the European
Commission, that it would be prudent to diversify Europe's
source of gas. So now they are interested in Azerbaijan's
gas from the Shah-Deniz deposit reaching Europe via a pipeline
through Turkey and Greece.
Editor’s Note: This interview was conducted by Dr.
Robert M. Cutler, rmc@alum.mit.edu,
Institute of European and Russian Studies, Carleton University
(Canada).
Email this article
Posted July 25, 2001 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org
 |
 |
The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website,
meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed
debate about the social, politcal and economic developments
of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the
Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New
York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation
that promotes the development of open societies around
the world by supporting educational, social, and legal
reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex
and controversial issues.
The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily
represent the position of the Open Society Institute
and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.
|
 |
 |
|