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TOP INTERIM GOVERNMENT OFFICIAL SAYS AFGHAN-PAKISTANI RELATIONS BASED ON "NON-INTERFERENCE"
Camelia Entekhabi-Fard 2/08/02

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Afghanistan’s interim government received an important boost February 8, when Pakistan announced its full support for Afghan reconstruction efforts. Pakistani President Pervez Musharraf endorsed the work of the Afghan interim government during talks in Islamabad with Hamid Karzai, Afghanistan’s provisional president. It was Karzai’s first trip to Pakistan since the interim government assumed power in December.

Pakistan had been the principle backer of Afghanistan’s Taliban government, which was driven from power by the US-led assault against terrorism. Stable relations between the interim Afghan government and Pakistan is widely viewed as a key element for the success of Afghanistan’s reconstruction. Prior to Musharraf’s endorsement, some observers had speculated that Pakistan had a cautious view of the interim government, in part because it includes elements of the Northern Alliance, the Taliban’s chief rival for power from 1995 until last December.

One of the leading members of the Northern Alliance now in the interim government is the foreign minister, Dr. Abdullah Abdullah. On a visit to the United States in early February, Abdullah gave an extended interview to EurasiaNet contributor Camelia Entekhabi-Fard. Abdullah touted the progress of the interim government in several social spheres, including the reopening of educational opportunities to women in Afghanistan. He also spoke at length on the complex geopolitical environment in which Afghan reconstruction efforts are taking place. The full text of his comments follows:

EurasiaNet: What do you consider to be your administration’s biggest achievement to date?
Abdullah: I believe the creation of Interim Authority, or as you called it, our administration, is probably our most important achievement. After that, I would mention the progress we have made in areas like security, humanitarian assistance, and reconstruction, not to mention education. As you know universities and hospitals have reopened. In addition most government ministries are functioning again. Women are returning to work. And TV and radio stations are operating.

EurasiaNet: Which one of these is most important?
Abdullah: Education is. Of course we have long ways to go. The closure of schools, especially as it regards women, has extremely negative consequences for Afghanistan. Our goal is to have one million young Afghans ready for school by our New Year that is around the end of March.

EurasiaNet: In which cities are schools open to young women of school age?
Abdullah: In most cities.

EurasiaNet: How long do you think the bombing campaign will continue?
Abdullah: The bombing campaign, as you said it, would continue until terrorism is uprooted in Afghanistan. Of course we want to make sure that civilians would not be harmed as our people have already paid a very high price in human lives.

EurasiaNet: There have been conflicting reports of the number of civilians killed. Some believe the number is quite low while others believe it to run into a few thousand. What is the truth?
Abdullah: First let me say that there are two issues here. One is that maximum care should be taken to prevent further civilian casualties. This is an important issue. The other issue is that as long as there are al Qaeda fighters and leaders or Taliban fighters still at large in Afghanistan, the operations should not be stopped. Our people are behind us on this one hundred percent.

EurasiaNet: Even if they may suffer in the process?
Abdullah: No. No. Everything must be done to make sure civilians are not hurt by this. We have already suffered a great deal from war and terrorism. It is not justifiable to sacrifice civilians even for defeating the terrorists. As for the number of casualties, there are no exact figures but it is not in the thousands.

EurasiaNet: What percentage of al Qaeda fighters do you think have managed to escape? And is it true that some may have escaped through Iran?
Abdullah: There is no way of knowing what percentage may have escaped. I have no direct knowledge of their escape to Iran. But some of them who had been in Tora Bora area have managed to slip away to Pakistan.

EurasiaNet: How do you describe your relationship with Pakistan, especially in the light of Pakistan’s role in the creation of Taliban?
Abdullah: Our relations with Pakistan, and indeed with all our neighbors, is based on mutual respect and the recognition of our mutual interests. This includes non-interference. What has happened in the past is past. What matters is the future.

EurasiaNet: What about Iran?
Abdullah: We have good relations with Iran. In the past, Iran stood up to the Taliban and gave us critical assistance. We would like to expand on that relationship and keep it transparent. We think others understand our position.

EurasiaNet: Do you think there is a pressure to change that relationship?
Abdullah: We have not felt any pressure to change that.

EurasiaNet: It looks like in the last few days the Bush Administration has decided to take a confrontational stance towards Iran. What would the Afghan Interim Authority do in the event of a US attack on Iran?
Abdullah: The way we see it, any tension in our area would have a direct effect on us, negatively impacting the stability of our country. The same way a good relationship between the US and Iran benefits us, a belligerent one between the two would be harmful for interests.

EurasiaNet: In the event that hostilities start between the two nations, would Afghanistan be willing to act as a go-between?
Abdullah: We would be happy to act as an intermediary if both governments ask us to.

EurasiaNet: Is it true that Hamid Karzai will be visiting Iran soon?
Abdullah: Yes, it is true.

EurasiaNet: Will he be carrying a special message from the US government?
Abdullah: In general no. But we are ready to be useful to both sides.

EurasiaNet: The Geneva Convention makes special provisions for the prisoners of war. There are some Afghan prisoners held at the Guantanamo base in Cuba. Do you think the Geneva Convention covers these detainees?
Abdullah: In our opinion, these individuals are terrorists and war criminals. Obviously, being a terrorist puts you in a separate category from being a POW. We want to see the inmates with Afghani citizenship treated as befits their crime, fairly and justly. So far we have not seen reasons for objecting to the way they are treated.

EurasiaNet: Would you like to participate in the questioning and screening process at camp X-Ray?
Abdullah: We are communicating with our American friends on this. There have also been some meetings on it with the legal section of the State Department. There may be a system of consultation and exchange in future to facilitate this. We would like to question some of the detainees. Perhaps in future we could investigate these people in Afghanistan.

EurasiaNet: Recently a number of ex-Taliban leaders, including Ahmad Mutevakel, have regrouped and started a new party in Pakistan. They have indicated that they are distancing from past policies. What is your position on that?
Abdullah: These people are all war criminals. We have made our position known both in this region as well at international forums. The crimes have been committed in Afghanistan and that’s where these people must come to face justice.

EurasiaNet: Another warlord and figure of note is Gulbuldin Hekmatyar. Around the time it became clear that the United States planned to attack the Taliban, the Northern Alliance officially asked Iran, where he was staying at the time, to stop his movements. After that it seems he was under virtual house arrest in Tehran. What is the future of Hekmatyar?
Abdullah: You are right in that we requested the Iranians not to allow Hekmatyar to cause problems in Afghanistan. We did this unofficially though. I believe he has committed crimes in our country and once the right legal and constitutional framework is set up, cases like his should be looked at.

EurasiaNet: Is it possible that you may actually ask Iran for his extradition?
Abdullah: If we have a good functioning justice system, it is possible.

EurasiaNet: So right now he should not enter Afghan soil?
Abdullah: He can do so by voluntarily giving himself up to face justice.

EurasiaNet: What do you envision the role of former King Mohammed Zahir Shah to be in future?
Abdullah: He is a national figure, a respected and important figure, who could contribute to our national unity. As far as his exact role, that question like other questions will be decided by the Afghan people.

EurasiaNet: What form of government would you personally like to see installed eventually in Afghanistan?
Abdullah: Of course, the Loya Jirga will decide that. [For additional information see the Eurasia Insight archive]. But I personally am for a kind of government where local administrations play larger role. I can say I am for a republican form of government, where periodic and national elections are held and where individual and social rights are respected.

EurasiaNet: What about local chiefs and warlords? Would they have any roles to play in this system?
Abdullah: We have to head in a direction where the foundations of civil society is constituted and solidified. The place of warlords is clear - by the way, their number is not very large. Some could assist the new government, some could be integrated in the new armed forces - the police … the national army. Others could be absorbed in other ways. What matters is that the time for warlordism is over, and the time for being a citizen with equal rights has started.

Posted February 8, 2002 © Eurasianet
http://www.eurasianet.org

The Central Eurasia Project aims, through its website, meetings, papers, and grants, to foster a more informed debate about the social, political and economic developments of the Caucasus and Central Asia. It is a program of the Open Society Institute-New York. The Open Society Institute-New York is a private operating and grantmaking foundation that promotes the development of open societies around the world by supporting educational, social, and legal reform, and by encouraging alternative approaches to complex and controversial issues.

The views expressed in this publication do not necessarily represent the position of the Open Society Institute and are the sole responsibility of the author or authors.

 
 
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