TESTIMONY


Before the


U.S. CONGRESS’S COMMISSION ON SECURITY AND COOPERATION IN EUROPE


On


THE CHALLENGE OF BUILDING DEMOCRACY IN KAZAKHSTAN


By


DR. MARTHA BRILL OLCOTT
Senior Associate
Carnegie Endowment for International Peace
Professor of Political Science
Colgate University
May 6, 1999

 

Mr. Chairman, thank you for the opportunity to appear before you today.
Kazakhstan is entering a critical phase of its development. The

honeymoon of the independence period is ending. The transformation of

state institutions will become more difficult over time. If Kazakhstan's

president Nursultan Nazarbaev does not begin following through on promised

democratic reforms in the next year, the country's citizens are likely to wait at

least a generation before they are granted the opportunity to live in a

democratic society. Failure to introduce such reforms will make Kazakhstan a less

attractive and less reliable partner for the US. It is incumbent on US

lawmakers to keep exerting pressure on President Nazarbaev and the

government of Kazakhstan to insure the freedom of the press and to hold

free and fair parliamentary elections.

TIMING

It is easier to put off democratic reforms than to successfully

introduce them once they have been delayed. The timing of introducing

democratic reforms is really critical. Democratic reform is not a

project that is picked up and put down at will. Political institutions develop

their own lives, and institutions which are designed to inhibit political

competition rarely readily make way for those which encourage such

competition. The necessary institutional transformation is only likely

to occur if there is political will exerted from the top, or strong

protest from the bottom.

To date both have been absent in Kazakhstan. Yet there is a real

risk that the current state of popular apathy could become the basis of

focused protest. It is difficult to know how disaffected Kazakhstan's

population really is.

Certainly the fact that approximately two million people---the

overwhelming majority of them Russians and other European

nationalities---have left the country during the past decade speaks to

the disaffection of many. Studies of recent and prospective Russian

emigres from Kazakhstan suggest that the desire to leave Kazakhstan is the

result of a variety of causes, including most typically the belief that one's

nationality will lead to diminished economic opportunities. However,

complaints by Russians and other non-Kazakhs that they have become

second class citizens are frequently encountered as well.

Ethnic Kazakhs also seem to have their fair share of complaints about

How affairs in their country are being managed, and the Kazakh-dominated

Regions of western Kazakhstan gave Nursultan Nazarbaev his lowest majorities in the recent election.

In fact, the very conduct of this election speaks to official fears

that popular displeasure would be expressed; though most local and

western analysts predicted that President Nazarbaev would handily defeat any

potential opponent, even former prime minister Akezhan Kazhegeldin. The

highly restrictive election law insured that the Kazakh leader did not

get to face several potential opponents. Despite all his protestations to

the contrary, no serious student of Kazakhstan believes that this law could

have been put forward without Nazarbaev's personal approval.
It is, of course, impossible to read the Kazakh leader's mind.

Still, it is hard to believe that the election law would have been

introduced if President Nazarbaev had not thought that he would have

received an embarrassingly small majority, and possibly even been

forced into a run-off round.

As President Nazarbaev seems frightened of facing the voters today,

he is unlikely to be much happier about the prospect in six more years,

when presidential elections approach once again. Similarly, if he is able

to avoid being subjected to the criticisms of a democratically elected

parliament today, he is no more likely to want to confront such

critical voices when it is time for yet another set of parliamentary elections.
There is also little reason to hope that President Nazarbaev's

retirement will serve as a stimulus for such a reform effort, either.

The elite that he has empowered will not want to put their wealth and

Privileges at risk, as would be the case in a competitive election process. Even if the most optimistic economic development figures are realized---and the

Drop in oil prices during 1998 as well as the general difficulties in

development of Caspian oil reserves suggest that they will not---this elite may

still fear the public judgement that they have already taken more than their

fair share.

Certainly, in his official statements on political institutional

development President Nazarbaev is laying the groundwork for an

extremely slow road to a democratic society. While the Kazakh leader invariably

endorses democratic development as a goal, he always introduces the

caveat that democratization of Kazakhstan must come in a way that is

consistent with the Kazakhs' history and traditions.

HISTORY

Such statements by President Nazarbaev and similar discussions by

Kazakhstan's elite are rather disingenuous, as their express purpose is

to make the case against democratic reform rather than for it. There are

two issues that are salient here. The first is what kinds of cultural and

historical roots are necessary for democratic reform to succeed, while

the second relates to the nature of Kazakhstan's past.

It is very difficult to know how large a role a country's history of

democratic government plays in influencing its development of

democratic institutions after a break of several generations. People are fond of

saying that Poland, the Czech republic and Hungary are having an easier

time developing democratic institutions because of their histories of

independent statehood, and their earlier commitments to civic institutions.

Similar claims are often made about the Baltic states as well.

One should be careful before giving too much credence to this notion

of historical transference. A close look at the pre-war history of any

of these countries would reveal how tenuous the commitment to democratic

institutions was during these years in most of these places. What

seems far more important is that the current citizens of these countries seem

generally committed to advancing democratic ideals, and are therefore

eager to redefine their histories in ways that create historic democratic

roots for the current regimes.

By contrast, the Kazakh leaders are trying to justify their own

opposition to democratic reforms by claiming an "Asian" history, which

is defined as antithetical to such values. Kazakh history is certainly

subject to interpretation in a variety of ways, and some of the traditional

Kazakh values could certainly be construed as supportive of democratic ideals.

In fact, the Kyrgyz consider many of the traditions that they have in

common with the Kazakhs to be "natural" or "primitive" democracy, and they use

history to explain why their country is the most democratic of the

Central Asian states.

In many ways Nursultan Nazarbaev squandered the opportunity to make

Kazakhstan at least as democratic as Kyrgyzstan. The prospects of democratic reform in Kazakhstan were at least as good as those of Kyrgyzstan nine

years ago, when President Akaev came to power in neighboring Bishkek. If

anything, Kazakhstan was better prepared for a democratic transition.

It had a larger democratically oriented elite, both in absolute and

relative terms, and for all the often-vocalized fears of the prospect of

inter-ethnic conflict, Kazakhstan lacked the legacy of recent inter-ethnic violence

that the Kyrgyz confronted.

Moreover, the argument that some cultures are more naturally

disposed to democracy than others is an argument that has traditionally

held little sway for many democratic activists in the US. Reconstruction

efforts after World War II were predicated on the idea that democratic values

can be taught to people who have had very undemocratic histories. US-led

efforts at political reeducation in both Germany and Japan proved very successful, and both have become stable democracies.

US citizenship policy also explicitly rejects the idea that it takes

generations to take people from autocratic societies and turn them into

supporters of democratic ideals. Immigrants who come to the US are not

expected to wait a generation or two before exercising political

responsibility even if they come from the most non-democratic of

settings. The tests of citizenship are blind to national origin.

US POLICY

If we accept the premise that there is no good reason that the

Kazakh leadership cannot democratize their society, other than the fact

that the elite doesn't want to, the Clinton administration is left with the

difficult task of deciding how much to pressure this potentially strategic

state.

In recent months the administration's resolve to push Kazakhstan

towards democratic reforms has hardened somewhat, and official US

displeasure with the conduct of the January presidential elections was

quite apparent. It remains to be seen, though, whether this resolve will be

translated into renewed pressure at the time of the upcoming

parliamentary elections.

One thing that could mitigate against a strong US response is the

fact that Kazakhstan's election is unlikely to be the least democratic

of the parliamentary elections that are slated to be held in this region.

The February bombings in Uzbekistan have led to a crackdown on both secular

and religious opposition in that country, making the prospects of

democratic reform more distant than ever. The bombings also create a frightening

specter of what frustrated political groups may be capable of. This may

be one reason why Turkmenistan's president has decided to allow multiple

candidates to contest seats in his country's legislative elections for

the first time ever, but this experiment with democracy is likely to be a

very tentative one.

The voters of Kazakhstan are not likely to care what goes on in

neighboring states. The comparisons that they are likely to make are

between how they are living now and how they lived in the past, and for

the overwhelming majority of the population this is one which does not

favor the government.

Developments in neighboring states should not play a critical role

in evaluating US options in Kazakhstan. We should not let Nursultan

Nazarbaev off the hook, but rather we should continue to pressure him

to introduce more democratic legislation for regulating the media and

political party development. We should also keep up the pressure on the Kazakh

government to adopt democratic legislation for the conduct of upcoming

parliamentary elections, and strongly urge them to make the transition

from appointed to elected local officials on an explicit timetable.

WHAT LIES AHEAD

It is unclear what lies ahead if Kazakhstan does not undertake such

reforms. At best the country will develop into a stable semi-autocratic

regime; at worst it could be engulfed in civil war. The most probable

outcome lies between the two, creating a state which seems sure to

become an uncertain ally for the United States.

Unlike history, geography is not subject to reinterpretation. Given

its three thousand-mile border with Russia, Kazakhstan will always have

to juggle its ties to its northern neighbor with its relations with the

US. The less democratic Kazakhstan is, the more attractive Russia may

become to the government in Astana. If we wish to help shelter Kazakhstan from undue Russian influence, the best advice we can give is to urge its leaders

to take democratic reform more seriously.