Among all of Georgia's campaign topics, few are more emotional than that of the ability of Georgians living in breakaway Abkhazia's predominantly ethnic Georgian district of Gali to vote in the upcoming January 5 elections. Tbilisi sees obstacles; separatist Sokhumi denies them. As often in Georgia's conflict zones, the reality appears to fall somewhere in-between.

Those Gali residents who wish to vote must first cross the Enguri River dividing breakaway Abkhazia from the neighboring Georgia region of Samegrelo, and then travel to Zugdidi, Samegrelo's regional seat. The separatist Abkhaz government has refused to allow polling stations in Gali for Georgia's presidential elections and plebiscites, a decision Tbilisi officials argue is a violation of Georgian citizens' voting rights.

With Gali's mandarin harvesting season in full swing, though, such charges often spark more confusion than outrage among locals.

"I don't understand what the problem is," commented one unemployed mine clearer who gave his name as Beso. Though not a supporter of the Sokhumi government, Beso expressed surprise at Tbilisi's expectation that Georgian polling stations would be allowed in Gali. "We live in Abkhazia. The [administrative] border is there. Why should they allow Georgians to come here to vote?" he asked.

On December 13, the Georgian television station Mze broadcast a report stating that Abkhaz law enforcement bodies were preventing Georgians from crossing the border into Zugdidi; the report claimed that separatist police were also tearing up Georgian passports to prevent people from taking part in the elections.

Just under a week later, however, individuals were sighted freely crossing from Gali into Samegrelo to register with the Georgian Ministry of Refugees and Accommodation.

According to Georgian media reports, at least six journalists from Imedi have left since the authorities released video footage on December 24 showing a discussion between former Patarkatsishvili campaign manager Valeri Gelbakhiani and Interior Ministery Special Operations chief Erekle Kodua about protests on January 6.

"We are not going to prevent Georgians from going to Zugdidi to vote," affirmed de facto Abkhaz Deputy Foreign Minister Maxim Gunjia. "They have every right to go and vote, even though we would prefer if they didn't, but that's the way it is for now."

Gunjia, however, told EurasiaNet that the bridge separating Gali from Samegrelo might be closed on January 5 to protect Abkhazia from what he termed a potential Georgian attack on the region following the elections. If protests against the presidential vote results take place, he alleged, Tbilisi's response could be to use Abkhazia as an outlet for popular frustrations.

Georgian officials, meanwhile, maintain that their concerns are real. Recent media reports have stated that Abkhaz separatist forces have mined the Gali region and built up troops near the Georgian-controlled Upper Kodori Gorge, a strip of territory in northern Abkhazia.

Gunjia denied that Gali has been mined, but confirmed that additional troops have been moved near Kodori "for defensive purposes."

In a further twist on the sensitive Kodori issue, North Atlantic Treaty Organization election observers from Germany, Finland and Estonia will be on hand in the Gorge from December 28 until January 7, Rustavi-2 has reported.

The news, Gunjia said in an email interview, "irritates us a lot." Sokhumi sees the presence of Georgian forces in the Upper Kodori Gorge -- termed Upper Abkhazia by Tbilisi -- as a violation of the 1994 cease-fire agreement.

In Gali, though, such questions spark little in the way of strong emotions.

Many ethnic Georgians in the district indicate that they feel both neglected by Sokhumi and ignored by Tbilisi, which has no direct influence on their daily lives. Saakashvili campaign posters made a brief appearance here earlier in December -- a report confirmed to Interfax by Sokhumi's envoy to Gali, Ruslan Kishmaria - but have since vanished.

Those residents who say they will vote on January 5 do not usually name a favored candidate. Saakashvili, easily the best-known contender, is also the candidate for whom support is most frequently expressed. Knowledge of what opposition candidates stand for is scarce to non-existent.

Nor do residents usually give a reason why they will choose to vote. While Saakashvili and other candidates have specifically targeted Internally Displaced Persons and the Abkhazia issue in their campaigns, their promises often appear to fall flat among Gali's population. Manana Gogoxia, a Georgian administrator for one local non-governmental organization, says she won't vote because Tbilisi has done nothing to ease the plight of IDPs. "There is nobody to vote for," she said.

[Currently, IDPs who register in Georgia receive a monthly allowance of between 11 and 14 lari ( about $6.91 to $8.80), vouchers for items such as electricity, firewood and blankets, according to Deputy Minister for Refugees and Accommodation Tamara Martiashvili, who is overseeing a repeat registration drive for IDPs. IDPs will also receive a 2008 New Year's gift payment of 30 laris (about $18.86), she said.]

For others, though, as for many other Georgians, the vote comes down to a personal issue or petition; something much larger than any decision by Abkhaz separatists to close the administrative border with Samegrelo on January 5. Said one cafe owner who hopes a reelected Saakashvili would investigate a family murder: "The Enguri Bridge is not the only way to get to Zugdidi. There are other ways."