The Legal Regulation of NGOs - Central Asia at a Crossroads

by Scott Horton and Alla Kazakina

  1. The Legal Environment and NGO Sustainability
  2. The NGO Community
  3. Legal Framework for Nonprofit Organizations
  4. Conclusion and Recommendations

Proceeding at an uneven pace, the three nations of the Central Asian Union have now reached an important crossroads in their treatment of nongovernmental organizations (NGOs). Each nation inherited the late-Gorbachev era style law on public associations and has built on this base in the enactment of a Civil Code envisioning noncommercial corporate structures. In order to provide a sustainable platform for the development of NGOs, however, another step is critical: the enactment of a comprehensive law governing noncommercial entities and according them appropriate tax exemptions.

In this study, we: (i) briefly consider the development of the nonprofit sector in Central Asia and (ii) discuss major features of the existing legal regime governing the activities of nonprofit organizations in the states of Central Asian Union-Kazakstan, Kyrgyzstan, and Uzbekistan (collectively, the "CAU")-where the most important progress in NGO activities has been scored. Of course, what matters is not just what the law on the books say, but how they are interpreted and applied by the Government officials charged with their enforcement. With this in mind, we will also discuss some experiences "from the trenches" in addition to reviewing relevant laws and regulations.

1.  THE LEGAL ENVIRONMENT AND NGO SUSTAINABILITY

The Central Asian republics have existed de jure as independent nations since the breakup of the Soviet Union in 1991, and they have evolved out of the Moscow-centric legal orbit at varying paces over the past seven years. A great deal has been written and said about their evolution of market-economic structures, but the development of the nonprofit sector in these countries has attracted much less attention. It is difficult to describe the process on a regional basis, since genuinely independent NGOs appeared first and most vibrantly in Kazakstan and Kyrgyzstan and subsequently also in Uzbekistan. In Turkmenistan, the situation continues to be rather bleak with the exception of a few brave environmental and public service organizations. Tajikistan has attracted enormous attention from foreign NGOs, many of which have been permitted to operate with great intermittent freedom, but the NGO environment there is more the result of a disabled state apparatus than a consequent regime of legal regulation or promotion. Taking these considerations into account, we will focus on the situation in the core CAU republics to the exclusion of that in the peripheral republics of Turkmenistan and Tajikistan.

In the CAU, we can trace the development of a small but increasingly self-sustaining and professional NGO community which has embraced learned professions, cultural and educational organizations, and public interest advocacy organizations. Of course, we should be frank in acknowledging that a good part of this community has come into being in order to take advantage of the sudden wealth of funding opportunities brought by the major multilateral and bilateral development programs. Whether much of this community will survive the inevitable withdrawal of USAID, TACIS, and similar funding organizations is an important questions which must be considered with greater urgency as time passes. We frankly question whether the donor organizations have given enough weight to sustainability as an issue and criterion in their grant-making, especially in light of the fact that most grant-making in the region supports specific projects often crafted by development agencies, and little appears to have been granted in the form of core operating support. In any event, however, creating a positive legal environment may be an essential element in insuring sustainability of the most worthwhile of the NGOs brought into being by the great donor Tsunami of 1994-96.

A legal environment which will give domestic NGOs a fighting chance entails two critical elements: (i) appropriate corporate vehicles for NGO activity which can be registered and maintained with a minimum of bureaucratic run-around; and (ii) a system of tax exemptions and benefits that promotes a culture of private and corporate giving, domestically and from abroad, to support legitimate NGO activity, whether it be educational, religious, artistic, scientific or public interest advocacy. At this point, the first objective seems within the grasp of NGOs in the CAU, but the second still seems elusive. Moreover, a system of tax benefits will only work to promote NGO activities if the Central Asian republics can develop a culture of responsible taxpayers. At present, tax burdens in the region are suffocating business, which means that most businesses (probably excepting the significant foreign investors) engage in broad scale tax evasion. We must recognize that this is not only a problem for the state in its efforts to meet revenue objectives, it is also a long-term nightmare for the cause of philanthropy in the region.

The domestic debate around NGO legislation currently revolves around several competing drafts present by the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law ("ICNL"), including variants drafted for the World Bank and the Open Society Institute by ICNL, and the German Gesellschaft für technische Zusammenarbeit ("GTZ"). These models in turn reflect Anglo-American as compared with continental European perspectives on the regulation of not-for-profit organizations. We consider the ICNL models to be clearly superior from the perspective of promoting the development of an NGO community. Either of these models would appear to form a suitable basis for the development of the region's nonprofits.

Whether these legislative objectives will be obtained depends in large measure on the level of support they obtain from the Central Asian presidents, from their key legal policy advisors and in the case of Kyrgyzstan, with its opposition-oriented parliament, from parliamentarians. The track record of the past four years suggests that the aggressive support coming from the major donors and the international financial institutions can also have important influence on the process.

2.  THE NGO COMMUNITY

As of January 1, 1998, approximately 700 nonprofit organizations have been registered in Kyrgyzstan; however, only 300 organizations are viewed as active. In Kazakstan, 1996 was distinguished by the rapid growth of NGOs. According to a report of the Ministry of Justice, 559 nongovernmental organizations were registered in Kazakstan during the period from September 1991 to December 21, 1995. As of January 9, 1997, 3,050 nongovernmental organizations have already been registered in Kazakstan. According to Bakhytzhamal Bekturganova, sociologist-consultant of the Ecological Information Agency of Kazakstan, this impressive quantity of registered nonprofit organizations does not necessarily mean that all of them will "survive."

Nonprofit organizations in the CAU, despite their recent proliferation, face serious difficulties of which financial sustainability is the most common. Many of these organizations see a Government role (whether their own Government, USAID or TACIS) as the only possible basis for funding, but the realities of contracting budgets leave the Governments largely unable to meet their own direct social obligations, much less provide subsidies to private charity. Most members of nonprofit organizations still function almost exclusively on a voluntary basis. When dealing with the government, nonprofit organizations have had to overcome rigid bureaucratic red tape, especially during the registration process. Whatever the attitude of highly placed policy makers, applicants dealing with lower level bureaucrats in the Ministry of Justice and other organs generally cannot expect a favorable audience. In 1992-95, the favorite response to applicants seeking to establish a voluntary organization was "we have one already." Sometimes obstacles arose because the applicant was viewed as a political threat, but more often these obstacles were put in place by underpaid officials who wanted to supplement their income. Clear progress has been achieved in the registration process throughout the region, especially in Kazakstan and Kyrgyzstan. The registration process is becoming increasingly a ministerial function, as it should be. Still, certain public interest advocacy organizations-such as the Uighurs in Kyrgyzstan and human rights organizations in Kazakstan and Uzbekistan-do have a serious struggle when it comes to registration.

The contributions made by NGOs to the development of a civil society in the CAU are of critical importance. Nonprofits substitute for the decreasing role of government in all areas of life by providing direct services. Many of the former mechanisms for providing social welfare to the population have been limited or abolished and the government is currently unable to meet the needs of the people. The role of nonprofit organizations is increasing in protecting the interests of women, children and of disabled, retired, homeless, and other needy people. NGOs have been able to fill many of the gaps that have resulted from the lessening of government involvement. Nonprofit organizations have strengthened their influence in other areas as well, and they currently contribute in varying degrees to defending human rights, protecting the environment, educating youth and promoting culture and the arts.

Among this group, the human rights organizations merit special attention and support, since without it their effectiveness will be impaired and they will be vulnerable. According to the State Department's Country Reports on Human Rights Practices for 1996, effective human rights advocacy organizations have been created throughout this region. In Kazakstan, Helsinki Watch, the Kazakstan-American Human Rights Association, and Legal Development of Kazakstan are the most active of a small number of local human rights organizations. They cooperate on human rights and legal reform issues. Although in 1996 these groups operated largely without government interference, limited financial means hampered their ability to monitor and report human rights violations and 1997 saw a clear deterioration in their working conditions and more menacing human rights violations. Some human rights observers complained that the Government monitored their movements and telephone calls. A presidential commission on human rights was established in Kazakstan in 1993. In February 1996, the Prosecutor General's Office established a Department for Supervising the Protection of Human and Civil Rights. However, in the beginning of 1997, this Department was liquidated.

The Special Role of Human Rights Organizations

In Kyrgyzstan, a number of human rights groups operate without governmental restriction, investigating and publishing their findings on human rights cases. Government officials are generally responsive and sensitive to their views. The country has faced serious human rights issues in the press area, particularly in connection with its criminal libel laws, which have been employed as a device to try to silence dissent. Kyrgyzstan differs from its neighbors in that outcries over human rights abuses almost always seem to provoke a favorable government response mitigating the alleged abuse, even though sometimes many months pass in the process.

In Uzbekistan, the Government generally disapproves of the involvement of domestic nongovernmental organizations in human rights issues, and restricts their operations. The Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan (the "HRSU"), an opposition-linked group formed in 1992, has been the chief independent domestic source on of information on human rights abuses in Uzbekistan. In the past, it was denied registration, and its activities were subject to prolonged harassment, including physical violence. A governmental human rights commission, headed by a parliamentary ombusdman, was founded in 1995. It responds to complaints from citizens but has insufficiently trained staff to carry out in-depth investigations of human rights violations and does not vigorously pursue allegations against the police and security forces. The Uzbekistani Governments's response to human rights criticism has shifted over time and its strategic response has fluctuated from denial to confrontation to cooption. President Karimov's call for journalistic responsibility, his tenuous support of the publication Hüriyet and the subsequent repression of that publication offers an interesting study in the latent contradictions of this policy. There is certainly nothing objectionable about the Government's formation of its own human rights organizations, but even in modern democratic societies such devices have often proved of only marginal effectiveness when compared with the work of NGOs. It is therefore lamentable that the U.S. Embassy in Tashkent chose to validate the Uzbek response by providing financial support to the Government's human rights operations in 1997.

3.  LEGAL FRAMEWORK FOR NONPROFIT ORGANIZATIONS

  1. Brief Description of Current Laws and New Legal Initiatives

The legal infrastructure for nonprofit organizations in the CAU rests on the following sources: (i) Constitutions of the CAU states, which guarantee the citizen's right to associate freely and do so without government interference; (ii) Civil Codes which establish basic civil-law institutions and create two major categories of legal entities: commercial and non-commercial organizations; (iii) laws governing public associations; and (iv) ancillary legislative acts.

As the purpose of this report is to provide a general overview of trends in the region, we will focus on the common elements of the systems in these states. As noted at the outset, each of the CAU republics are currently working on draft legislation regulating the activities of nonprofit organizations.

Kyrgyzstan. The Law of the Kyrgyz Republic "On Public Associations" was adopted on February 1, 1991 (hereinafter, the "Kyrgyz Associations Law") and the Civil Code (First Part) was adopted on May 8, 1996. The level of NGO involvement in the development of the new Kyrgyz law is quite impressive; indeed, it may be the only genuinely successful case of effective legislative lobbying by domestic NGOs in the region. Among the local NGOs participating in the process are the Foundation for international Legal Cooperation ("UKUK"), International Center Interbilim, the Fund for Legal Initiatives, the Fund for Legal Problems, and the Kyrgyz Bar Association. Currently, three draft laws governing nonprofit organizations exist in Kyrgyzstan. These drafts were submitted to the Zhogorku Kenesh (the Parliament of the Kyrgyz Republic), following compliance review by the Ministry of Justice. However, the Legislative Assembly of the Parliament decided not to consider the three drafts on the same issue. Instead, the Legislative Assembly authorized a prominent Uzbek deputy, Mr. Sabirov, to apply to the President's Consultative Council on Legal Reforms asking the Council to develop the structure (conception) of the NGO legislation which would simplify the task. Sabirov has been a vocal supporter of the NGO effort, as has the Uzbek community based in southern Kyrgyzstan, which views NGOs as an important vehicle for promoting and protecting their cultural identity and values. "UKUK" Foundation (which recently merged with the Kyrgyz Bar Association) has taken the initiative to draft the law governing charitable activities and organizations, and leadership in the process is being exercised by Mirgul Smanalieva, the president-elect of the Bar Association. In addition, a law on political parties was considered by the Parliament of Kyrgyzstan in January 1998. Both the laws on political parties and on nonprofit organizations are expected to be adopted before year's end, and President Akayev has noted their importance in light of the country's upcoming local elections.

Kazakstan. Kazakstan presents an interesting study in contradictions. The country has generally enjoyed a quite favorable reputation in the West with respect to laying the foundations for a civil society, but a study of its NGO legislation and of the implementation of such legislation would suggest this reputation is undeserved. Although Kazakstan adopted a new Law "On Public Associations" on May 31, 1996, much later than other Central Asian republics (hereinafter, the "Kazak Associations Law"), it contains several provisions which are similar to the provisions in other old post-Soviet public associations laws. Religious organizations are still regulated under the same law as public associations. The Civil Code of Kazakstan (First Part), was adopted on December 27, 1994. The other laws regulating nonprofit organizations in Kazakstan include the Law on Labor Unions (1993) and the Law on Political Parties (1996). Lamentably, Kazak law contains some very severe provisions designed to chill NGO development, particularly article 337 of the Criminal Code, which provides stern penalties for participation in an unregistered public association. Neither of Kazakstan's CAU neighbors has such a provision. The law on political parties also contains a noteworthy provision prohibiting and punishing those who seek to form a political party on the basis of religious beliefs. Although Kazakstan has a number of well-run and sophisticated NGOs which have attempted to influence the situation, it does not appear they have been terribly effective. In 1995, a draft law "On the Right to Associate" was prepared by Interlegal, a Moscow-based consultancy on philanthropic laws. The draft law "On the Right to Associate" was forwarded to Ms. Sevryukova, the deputy of the Parliament of Kazakstan who made several revisions and unsuccessfully tried to submit it to the Parliament. A draft law on nonprofit organizations has been developed and submitted to the Parliament.

Uzbekistan. A leading lawmaker in Tashkent accurately describes Uzbekistan's attitude towards NGOs as "accepting, but cautious." The law on its face is not bad, but its application has been uneven. The current law "On Public Associations" was adopted on February 15, 1991, as amended on July 3, 1992 (hereinafter, the "Uzbek Associations Law") and the Civil Code (First Part), was adopted on December 21, 1995. A progressive step was made in 1996 when the new law "On Political Parties" was adopted.

Religious organizations are now regulated by a separate law "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations" adopted by the Parliament of Uzbekistan on May 1, 1998. This law is directed at the Wahhabis. In Central Asian parlance, the term "Wahhabi" is not used to refer to the Islamic sect by that name of the Arabian peninsula, but rather any devout Muslim who rejects the state control of Islam through the official muftiate and state-controlled mosques. The Uzbek government perceives "Wahhabis" as the primary threat to state stability. According to a recent report issued by Human Rights Watch, the recent crackdown in the Farghona Valley appears to be a dramatic escalation of a sporadic six-year government campaign against free expression of religion, specificically nongovernmental Islam. The new law requires that all religious groups be registered with the Uzbek government and have at least 100 members (not just 10 as it was before). The law bans political parties based on religion and does not permit minors to take part in religious organizations and missionary activities. In addition, the new law permits to impose restrictions on religious organizations for national security reasons and for the protection of the life, health, and freedoms of other people. These restrictions must be viewed as substantive rather than procedural when considered in the overall context of the anti-"Wahhabi" campaign.

While the Uzbek NGO legislation is similar to the NGO legislation in the other CAU republics, the NGO sector in Uzbekistan experiences more restrictive regulation by the government. The NGO sector cannot play a significant role in discussing draft NGO legislation and there appears to be no adequate channel for domestic NGOs to present their concerns about such legislation. Foreign NGOs are, however, able to present their concerns and frequently get a friendly ear from officials in the Cabinet of Ministers. By the end of 1996, a draft NGO law was developed by the joint draft group established by the UNDP with the assistance of an ICNNL consultant Jacek Kurczewski. The draft group included deputies of Oli Majlis (the Parliament of Uzbekistan), government officials, and NGO representatives. The Ministry of Social Maintenance chaired the work of the joint drafting group. However, the work on the draft law ceased in the Spring of 1997. The parliamentary working group now addressing the issue has identified the ICNL draft and a draft of GTZ as models likely to influence their forthcoming legislation.

  1. Analysis of Public Associations Laws

The right to form associations is regulated by the law on public associations (collectively, the "Public Associations Laws"). Adoption of the Public Associations Laws has represented progress for the hundreds of public associations in the CAU. Public associations now enjoy a level of legal protection, which they did not previously have.

Positive Aspects of the Public Associations Laws. As a point of departure, the Public Associations Laws show the obvious influence of the Soviet Law on Public Associations of October 19, 1991, part of the progressive legacy of the Gorbachev period. First and foremost, the Public Associations Laws assert that normative concepts of international agreements ratified by the CAU republics supersede domestic law in the event of conflict. This principle establishes an international safeguard against human rights abuses. Among CAU nations, Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan have ratified the major international human rights charters, including the International Covenants on Economic, Social and Cultural Rights and the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights (each of December 16, 1966), whereas Kazakstan has ratified only the Convention on the Rights of the Child (1989).

The Public Associations Law provide a detailed list of permitted activities for public associations, including:

protection of civil, political, economic, social and cultural rights and freedoms of citizens;

promotion of peace and prevention of conflicts;

promotion of the moral and physical health of the population;

protection of the environment and animals; and

protection and maintenance of buildings and other objects of historical and cultural value.

This list is not exhaustive. It contains a catch-all provision "for other types of activities not restricted or prohibited by law." For the first time the Public Associations Laws give the people the right to form any kind of social organizations "except those that are prohibited." For instance, the Public Associations Laws provide that the creation and work of public associations whose purpose is the violent overthrow or alteration of the constitutional structure, violation of the unity of the state territory, propaganda for war, violence or brutality, inflammation of social, national or religious dissension or other criminally punishable acts are forbidden. The creation of public militarized associations and armed formations is prohibited. Therefore, the basic premise of the Public Associations Laws is that every type of association is permitted except those which are expressly and statutorily prohibited. Among the positive aspects of the Public Associations Laws is a provision according to which a citizen's participation in the activities of a registered public association may not serve as a basis for restricting his/her rights or a condition for employment in a state organization or as a justification for the state to grant other privileges or advantages.

Under the Public Association Laws the right of public associations to judicial protection is guaranteed. A refusal to register the charter of a proposed public association may be appealed in each CAU republic's general jurisdiction court. We have no meaningful record of successful appeals at this point, however.

Public associations laws provide the main principles of public associations' activities, such as volunteerism, equality of members, self-government, legality and publicity. The Public Associations Laws provide that foreign citizens can be members of public associations along with local citizens.

Shortcomings of the Public Associations Laws. The Public Associations Laws have some serious shortcomings which, taken collectively, may be viewed as impairing freedom of association in these countries. One of the most serous shortcomings of the Public Associations Laws is the concept of "prior approval"-the necessity of prior registration and approval of the charter of a public association or the public association itself (as in the case of Kazakstan) with the Government. This concept opens the door for significant restrictions on freedom of those associations the government deems undesirable and for the persecution of start-up organizations. Pursuant to the Public Associations Laws, all public associations must register with the government. The founders of public associations convene a constitutional congress (conference) or general meeting at which the charter is adopted and officers are elected. Following such a conference, public associations must file all of their organizational documents including a list of founding members with the Ministry of Justice.

The Public Associations Law stipulate that if a public association does not adopt a charter or the charter is not registered, the public association cannot legally exist. If a public association operates without registration, the Public Associations Laws provide for criminal (in Kazakstan), or administrative and civil liability (in Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan) pursuant to the legislation of the CAU.

In addition to a complicated procedure involving the collection of various documents for registration, the Ministry of Justice, or, at its request, some other governmental departments, thoroughly review the purposes of the activities of a public association listed in the charter, especially if it is intended to be political in nature. The Ministry of Justice and its local departments often drag out the process of registration or use various bureaucratic methods to add new conditions to registration. According to an important Kazak NGO, the Association for the Protection of the Rights of Prisoners and the Rights of Persons Released from Prison has not been able to register for more than one and one-half years. Its organizers have presented different charters to the authorities. But due to the intractability of the Ministry of Internal Affairs they were not able to obtain permission to register their organization, even though they obtained statements of support from the Commission on Human Rights. This association was even forced to change its name to the Center Facilitating Criminal Justice Reform. Finally, at the end of 1996 the Center was registered. This case demonstrates that applicants seeking to create an association with a mission critical to the Government can be subject to more scrutiny than the law on its face warrants and that there is a clearly subjective and political element to the registration process.

Uzbekistan has been generous in permitting registration of NGOs except when it views the conduct of such NGOs as hostile and political. The registration ordeal of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan is a useful example of the practice. Since 1992, the Government has repeatedly frustrated the efforts of the Human Rights Society of Uzbekistan, a local human rights group with close ties with exiled opposition figures, to register officially. In the Fall of 1996, President Islam Karimov invited the Society's Chairman, Abdummanob Pulat, to visit the country after three and one-half years of exile. However, the Ministry of Justice rejected the Society's application in January 1997, citing a number of technical problems in the submitted documentation, and a duly revised application met a final rejection in July 1997. The Government, however, granted registration to another human rights group, the Committee for Protection of Individual Rights, a group formed with the support of the Government.

According to the State Department's human rights reports, all human rights public organizations have been able to register in Kyrgyzstan, with the exception of a Uighur organization with the stated goal of the creation of an independent Uighur state in Northwest China. This organization was seen as threatening the territorial integrity of China, an important neighbor, and its rejection was justified on that basis. The decision of the Kyrgyz authorities to reject registration did in fact comply with the requirements of Kyrgyz law. Which precluded the registration of an organization with a charter like the one proposed.

Non-political associations and social organizations usually do not encounter comparable difficulties in registering, although bureaucratic delays and official suspiciousness continue to plague the registration process for such groups. It should be emphasized that registration is not just a bureaucratic formality. Subsequent to the registration of the charter of a public association, the public association is recognized as a corporate body. The corporate status, which is the primary goal of registering the association , is needed to establish a bank account, to be eligible for preferential tax treatment, and for various corporate housekeeping matters.

The procedure for registration of public associations is not only complicated, but also an expensive one. Many public associations consider a required registration fee as a deterrent to registration. For instance, the registration fee in Kazakstan is about 10,000 tenge (about $150, which is one and a half times the average monthly wage in Kazakstan). The payment of such a registration fee creates a great problem for citizens of Kazakstan who want to form an association.

The other serious shortcoming of the Public Associations Laws is their tendency to justify inappropriate state intervention into the activities of NGOs. Although each of the Public Associations Laws contains precatory language stating that the interference of state agencies in the activities of public associations is not permitted, the laws contemplate a number of ways in which the state can in fact interfere in the activities of public associations, and not all of these roles are consistent with the state's legitimate regulatory authority. For example, according to the Public Associations Laws, the charter of a public association should set forth not only the name and purpose of the public association, the structure of the public association and sources of funding, but also the conditions and procedures for admission to membership in the public association and withdrawal from it, the rights and responsibilities of the members of the public association and the competence of procedure for establishing the management. Consequently, the Public Associations Laws require excessive mandatory details for inclusion in the charter of a public association. We believe that the state has a legitimate interest in identifying founders, officers and directors, and in insuring fair standards for the process of including members, but some of these provisions seem to exceed these needs. In practice, these provisions appear sometimes to be drawn upon to gain information about members and to chill or complicate the process of attracting members-clearly inappropriate conduct for a state regulator.

The requirement of the Public Associations Laws on the number of individuals needed to constitute a public association represents another display of interference of state agencies in the activity of public associations. The Public Associations Laws require that public associations be created on the initiative of no less than 10 individuals. Furthermore, under the Public Associations Laws, foreigners are not generally allowed to be founders of public associations. Although as a matter of practice, foreigners appear to be allowed to be founders of public associations, but not to be founders of political parties and trade unions. An exception is the generally more liberal Kyrgyz Associations Law, which also requires that the number of founders be not less than 10 individuals, it permits foreigners to be founders of public associations along with citizens of Kyrgyzstan. The membership threshold seems unreasonably high and seems designed to force disclosure of a larger list of names than otherwise would be appropriate.

Another set of provisions which may cloak or authorize inappropriate intervention by state agencies is found under the rubric of "control and supervision of public associations." Under the Public Associations Laws, the state authority which registers the charter of a public association exercises supervision of compliance with the provisions of the charter with respect to the activities of public associations. This is far more sweeping than merely monitoring compliance with regulations or positive law; it creates an opportunity for Government bureaucrats to substitute their judgment for that of the NGOs governing structures with respect to the entity's program of action. Furthermore, the organs of Procuracy are authorized to conduct investigations at their own initiative to ascertain whether activities of public associations comply with the laws of the CAU. In theory, this means that the procurators can interview staff and officers, seize and inspect records and take other potentially disruptive steps without notice or a subpoena or writ issued by a judge or magistrate. In both cases, the sweeping supervisor authority given Government officers is inappropriate. It derives from socialist legal norms applied with respect to state property. The registering authority has the right to require management of a public association to submit copies of decisions adopted, send its representatives to participate in activities conducted by the public association and obtain explanations from members of the public associations and other citizens on questions relating to charter compliance. While there is a legitimate sense of public trust with respect to some NGO assets, it certainly does not rise to the highly paternalistic level envisioned in the Public Associations Laws. In enacting the Civil Code and Companies Laws throughout the region, these extraordinary powers of the Procuracy and the branch ministries have largely been repealed. A change is also appropriate with respect to NGOs. These provisions taken collectively give the State ample authority to suppress and intimidate NGOs which come into their cross hairs.

Nor are the fears identified in the foregoing paragraph purely academic. There is ample evidence in the CAU of abuse of these provisions by State actors. According to a Report of the Kazakstan-American Bureau on Human Rights and the Rule of Law, in the city of Kentau, in the South-Kazakstan region, the Association of Independent Trade Unions was subjected unexpectedly to a financial audit by the local procurator and the local department of the Committee on National Security, even though these state bodies have no connection with the tax inspectorate. In general, the tax audit is a favorite tool used to put a disfavored business out of operation throughout this region. In the village of Leninsk in Central Kazakstan, under the guise of checking documents, the cars of the co-chairman of the "Azamat" movement, Murat Auezov and Piotr Svoik, were stopped for 15 hours and prevented from continuing their travel around the country to set up branches of their association in the various regions of Kazakstan. In December, Mr. Svoik was attacked and beaten while attending a civil society conference hosted by Kyrgyzstan International University in Bishkek; many have asserted that his masked attackers were linked to the Kazak security services.

The Public Associations Laws include several loopholes which seem designed to provide State actors with vague grounds for terminating the existence of NGOs they dislike. For instance, the activities of public associations may be suspended if they "violate republican legislation." Nobody can predict today what legislative acts may be used as a pretext for the suspension of public associations in the future, but in concept it could be something an innocuous as a traffic rule or building code. The "suspension of activities" the law contemplates is also ill-defined, but in interviews with local law enforcement authorities we learned that it is understood to include a sort of "gag order" under which the organization and its leaders may be prohibited access to mass media, denied the rights to organize meetings, conferences and demonstrations, denied the right to participate in elections, and perhaps even a "freezing" or seizure of the association's bank accounts. Under the Public Associations Laws, the activities of a public association may be suspended for up to 6 months. It is important to note that in the event a public association fails to eliminate the violations giving rise to its suspension within this period of time, a court may liquidate the public association.

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  1. Nonprofit Organizations Under the Civil Codes

According to the Civil Codes in effect in the CAU republics, nonprofit organizations are defined, first and foremost, as organizations which exist for purposes other than making a profit from commercial operations. They also have the following common features:

Any income that is generated can be used only to further the nonprofit's statutory goals.

Any profit resulting from any activities cannot be distributed among the founders, directors or employees of the organization.

They have a "social character," meaning that they either "unite the public" or "serve the public" and are formed as a result of citizens' voluntary initiatives.

The CAU Civil Codes adopt a new centralized and inform approach to the question of registration of all legal entities including nonprofit organizations. In each CAU republic, the Ministry of Justice acts as the uniform registrar of nonprofit organizations. The Ministry of Justice thus exercises control over the creation of the legal entity and is responsible for confirming the conformity of the entity's constitutive documents to the law.

It is important to note that unlike the CAU Public Associations Laws, which only govern the status of public associations, the CAU Civil Codes govern different types of nonprofit organizations, including public associations. The CAU Civil Codes contemplate the following forms of nonprofit organizations:

institutions;

public and religious organizations (associations);

public foundations;

associations of legal entities; and

consumer cooperatives.

The Uzbek Civil Code does not contemplate "religious organizations" as a separate category, but it has addressed such entities in the separate law.

"Institution" is defined as a non-commercial entity (typically an educational or health care organization), financed fully or partially by the founder, which provides services in the sphere of management, social welfare or culture.

"Public and religious organizations (associations)" are defined as voluntary associations of citizens (legal entities cannot be members of public and religious associations) who have united on the basis of membership and the satisfaction of their spiritual and other non-material needs. The peculiarities of the legal status of public associations is described in the Public Associations Laws (see above). Unlike the Civil Codes of the other CAU republics, the Civil Code of Kazakstan provides for a detailed regulation of religious organizations in a generally discouraging fashion. It states that religious administrations (or centers) shall have the right in accordance with their registered charters to found theological educational institutions, mosques, monasteries, and other religious associations acting on the basis of their charters. The creation of theological educational religious associations and institutions and missionary activity of foreign citizens and stateless persons shall be permitted only after their accreditation in local agencies of power and on conditions of the conformity thereof to legislation of the Republica of Kazakstan. The Civil Code of Kyrgyzstan permits religious associations to receive financial and other material assistance from foreign religious centers and international missionary and philanthropic societies and foundations, unless the use thereof is contrary to other legislation.

"Public foundation" is defined as a nonprofit organization without members which is founded by individual citizens and/or legal entities on the basis of voluntary financial and property donations which are directed towards social, charitable, educational or other socially beneficial goals. A foundation must publish a report annually about the "use of its resources." Civil Codes of the CAU remain silent with respect to the governing organs of public foundations, as well as the procedures for their formation and activity. The Civil Codes state that these questions shall be determined by the foundation's charter approved by its founders.

A "nonprofit association of legal entities" is a union of commercial organizations for the purpose of coordinating business activities and representing commercial interests. While the members of such an association retain complete legal independence, they may act in concert for specified purposes. A number of trade and business associations have been registered in the CAU in recent years under this rubric.

"Consumer Cooperatives" are voluntary associations of citizens based on membership for the purpose of satisfying their material and other needs by means of combining the property share contributions of the members thereof. Under the CAU Civil Codes, the charter of a consumer cooperative must contain, besides the regular information specified in constitutive documents of legal entities, conditions concerning the amount of shares issued to members of the cooperative; the composition and procedure for the issuance of shares to members of the cooperative and their responsibility for a violation of the obligation relating to the contributing of the share; and the composition and competence of the management organs of the consumer cooperative and the procedure for collective decision-making. Note that the Civil Code of Kazakstan (art. 108) provides that rural consumer cooperatives may be created for the satisfaction of material and other requirements not only of their members, but also of other citizens residing in the rural locality. The Civil Code states that the legal regime of a rural consumer cooperative shall be determined in accordance with the legislation of Kazakstan.

It is important to note that the CAU Civil Codes do not restrict nonprofit organizations to these forms. The Codes seem to contemplate the issuance of further general NGO legislation which may create additional vehicles.

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  1. Business Activity by Nonprofit Organizations

For exempt organizations in the West, "related" commercial activity has emerged as an increasingly important source of revenue in the past two decades. The right of NGOs to engage in activity with a commercial aspect is therefore important to their long-term viability. In general, under the Public Associations Laws and the CAU Civil Codes, a nonprofit organization has the right to carry out business activity only insofar as such activity furthers the purposes for which the nonprofit organization was created and corresponds to such purposes. The Civil Codes emphasize that (i) generation of profit may not be the primary purpose of a nonprofit organization, (ii) its business activities must serve the purposes for which the organization was created. Therefore, prior to starting business activities, it is necessary for any nonprofit organization to verify whether such business activities correspond to its charter purposes.

Kyrgyz Associations Law and Uzbek Associations Law provide that public associations may engage in business activities through commercial entities (self-financed business organizations and enterprises). However, it is not very clear from the language of these articles whether it is an option or a requirement for public associations to establish commercial entities to engage in business activities. In both countries, NGOs have in fact followed the accepted Western practice of creating commercial subsidiaries to carry on for-profit businesses.

The Civil Codes lack provisions regulating the commercial activities of certain types of nonprofit organizations, such as, charitable organizations. This is widely recognized as an oversight which requires redress. It is expected that these issues will be regulated by the new laws governing the nonprofit sector we described at the outset of this piece. Providing clear guidelines for charitable activity is as much in the interest of NGOs as of the State, since the reputation of the NGO community in this region presently suffers from widely circulated stories surrounding dubious charitable organizations which appear to exist only for purposes of evading tax liability.

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  1. Property Rights of Nonprofit Organizations

A registered nonprofit organizations has the right of exclusive ownership and management of its own property. Nonprofit organizations must have an independent statement of accounts and generally has the right to maintain bank account both in the country and offshore (except in the case of Uzbekistan).

The Civil Codes do not include any special restrictions on the nonprofit's property. The property may include, inter alia, buildings, facilities, equipment, appliances, and monetary funds in local and foreign currency. These provisions are significant because they may be understood to supersede some of the oversight vested in the Procuracy under the Public Associations Laws. Nonprofits are eligible to receive contributions from founders, monetary or in-kind contributions (e.g., donations from the business community and local government, revenues from business activity, and foreign grants). In Uzbekistan, however, account transfer rules may burden and complicate this right.

The solicitation of funds is, understandably, subject to some oversight and accounting. The CAU Public Associations Laws and Civil Codes contain provisions that prohibit political parties, public associations and public foundations with political aims from accepting funds from foreign legal entities and foreign citizens, as well as from foreign states and international organizations. Conceptually such restrictions are easy to justify with respect to actual participants in the electoral process. We wonder, however, how "political aims" may be construed in the region, where "politics" is taken to subsume many policy issues which have nothing to do with elective offices and institutions. We expect to see further refinement of the law governing solicitation in coming years, probably including registration, monitoring and periodic reporting functions.

Please note that unlike other forms of nonprofit organizations, institutions do not own property, but rather only manage property. Ownership rights are retained by the institution's founders, in many cases State entities. While the majority of institutions belong to the government or municipalities, it is possible for an individual or non-governmental organization (e.g., public or religious organizations) to be the founder of an institution. During the last several years, a number of non-governmental educational institutions (schools and universities) have been established.

The liability of a nonprofit organization is generally limited to its property. Participants (members) in nonprofit organizations (excluding such forms of nonprofit entities as institutions and associations or unions) are not liable for the obligations of nonprofit organizations and nonprofit organizations are not liable for the obligations of their participants (members). An exception to this general rule of limited liability, however, arises with respect to nonprofit organizations defined as institutions and associations of legal entities. Institutions and associations have secondary liability for debts of the nonprofit organizations. Such secondary liability arises only when the primary obligor, the nonprofit organization, cannot satisfy a debt or judgment. Further exceptions may arise with respect to certain types of tax and payroll obligations, as to which individuals in control may face personal liability in case they fail to oversee the performance by the NGO of its legal obligations.

Upon the liquidation of a nonprofit organization, any remaining assets must be used for the purposes indicated in the nonprofit foundation's documents for the nonprofit's charitable goals-a rule akin to the Anglo-American legal doctrine of cy près. Such distribution of assets for nonprofit organizations contrasts with the liquidation of the assets of commercial entities, which are distributed among the entities' founders. Consumer cooperatives and institutions, however, are exceptions to this general rule; the property of an institution remaining after the satisfaction of the creditors' claims shall be transferred to the institutional founders (except the property acquired by the institution itself, e.g. grants or profits received as a result of the permitted business activity). In the case of consumer cooperatives, the member has the right to receive the property of the cooperative in proportion to his/her share contribution.

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  1. Tax Treatment of Nonprofit Organizations

As noted above, the tax treatment of NGOs remains unclear throughout this region, and a major push to produce fair and easily comprehensible rules governing the funding and activities of NGOs is now underway. Like all legal entities, nonprofit organizations are subject to tax inspection and must register with the State Tax Service. While many nations' tax laws distinguish between the commercial and nonprofit sectors, tax legislation in the CAU generally lacks separate laws regarding nonprofits and fails to ensure fundamental tax advantages to nonprofit organizations or to individual and institutional donors. Tax benefits have to date been granted on and ad hoc basis to NGO actors. Thus far, foreign grant-making organizations and foreign entities engaged in development assistance activities have been the quickest to seize such ad hoc benefits, and instances of domestic organizations securing benefits are far less frequent. Under tax legislation in the CAU, nonprofit organizations would appear to have to meet the following criteria to qualify for tax benefits:

  1. an entity should be registered as a political party, mass movement, trade union, professional association, religious, amateur sport, or other similar non-commercial entity;

  1. a charter of the non-commercial entity should contain a provision pursuant to which profits and assets cannot be distributed among its founders and members; and

  1. the activities of a non-commercial entity should be consistent with its charter purposes.

It is noteworthy that to date, the CAU authorities seem determined to approach tax benefits on the basis of personal statute-that is the status or character of the entity-rather than activity. This sort of "all or nothing" approach does not seem well geared to cope with the realities of contemporary NGO activity, in which for-profit commercial activity increasingly serves as an important means of subsidizing NGO work. Moreover, these tax provisions seem somehow out of alignment with the newer Civil Codes provisions regulating the nonprofit sector. The Civil Codes provide for several additional forms of nonprofit organizations (viz., institutions, foundations, associations of legal entities, and consumer cooperatives), which are not covered in the tax legislation.

Set forth below is an outline of the most important taxes and tax exemptions relevant to nonprofit organizations in the CAU.

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Profits Tax. Nonprofit organizations are generally exempt from profits taxes unless they are engaged in business activities. If nonprofit organizations carry out business activities, they pay profit tax at the same rate as a commercial organizations (i.e., 30% in Kazakstan and Kyrgyzstan and 35% in Uzbekistan). There are innumerable exceptions and adjustments to these rates, of course, including those for foreign joint ventures, preferred business activities and activities in special economic zones. However, Western readers should keep in mind that the computation of "income" under these regimes is likely to be surprising. The CAU states are generally far less accepting of deductions and expenses than tax regimes in more mature industrial states.

Value-Added Tax. Nonprofit organizations conducting business activities pay value-added tax at the same rate as commercial organizations. The value-added tax represents a levy against the increase in value created in its process of manufacture and turnover of goods, works or services. The rate of VAT in the CAU is 20% on all goods and services (in Uzbekistan, the rate of VAT is 10% on certain foodstuffs and children's goods). Exemptions from the tax are available for services rendered by religious, cultural, health and educational organizations. As a practical matter, NGOs throughout the region have had great difficulty establishing VAT exemption. VAT is assessed at the point of sale and vendors are unwilling to entertain arguments about exceptions since they are held accountable to the tax service under trust-like concepts. In practice, NGOs would have to apply for a VAT refund. However, entities throughout this region know only too well that the quickest way to provoke a tax audit is to request a refund.

For instance, Kazak tax legislation exempts from VAT works or services provided by nonprofit organizations, if they are related to: the provision of medical treatment, the provision of services for the protection of welfare of children, the aged and disabled person, the provision of educational, cultural, physical training, or sports services, the performance of religious rights and ceremonies by religious societies.

Property Tax. The tax is based on all assets reflected on an enterprise's balance sheet, including fixed and intangible assets. Under Kazak and Uzbek tax legislations, nonprofit organizations pay property tax only on property used in business activities. The property tax is imposed at the rate of ½% of the value of the property in Kazakstan and at the rate of 4% in Uzbekistan.

Tax Benefits to Companies and Individuals Making Donations to Nonprofits. Tax legislation in the CAU generally provides a basis for a claim of deduction or credit against the taxable income of commercial entities and/or individuals on account of qualifying charitable contributions. Please note that Kyrgyz tax legislation extends this tax benefit only to individuals. By contrast pursuant to Uzbek tax legislation, this tax benefit is applicable only to legal entities. Under Kazak tax legislation, both legal entities and individuals are entitled to the abovementioned tax benefit. The total amount of contributions which can be deducted from the taxable income of commercial entities and individuals, however, should not exceed 2% of taxable income (in Uzbekistan 1%), and even these contributions must be given to specific nonprofit organizations for specific purposes (e.g., donations to charitable and ecological organizations, public associations for the disabled and religious organizations). For example, if a commercial entity in Kazakstan has taxable income of $10,000 and makes a charitable contribution of $1,000, the company may deduct only $200 from its taxable income. These provisions are fairly new and the local tax authorities have developed sporadic enforcement standards and frequently seem skeptical about claims of charitable contributions.

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P> Contributions cannot be carried forward and tax deductions cannot be deferred to a subsequent year. Unlike most Western countries, the tax system of the CAU does not allow a carryover of any contributions, so that a tax deduction may not be deferred to a subsequent year (the same solution is taken by the tax legislation of the Russian Federation). As applied in Kyrgyzstan, the system has been even more drastic, with local tax inspectorates claiming that quarterly accounting without carry forward is required. In the United States, for instance, while a corporation is limited to charitable contributions of 10% of its taxable income, any contributions ineligible in a given year for deduction may be carried forward for up to five succeeding years, subject to certain limitations.

While these corporate benefits are better than none, they are unlikely to stimulate more corporate giving. Few domestic commercial entities now claim charitable donations because declaration of such contributions only draws attention to their income and potentially subjects them to greater tax scrutiny.

Grants Received by Nonprofit Organizations. Kyrgyz and Uzbek tax legislation lacks provisions governing domestic and foreign grants to nonprofit organizations. According to Kazak tax legislation, no profit tax shall be levied on grants to nonprofit organizations. Kazak tax legislation explicitly provides that grants received for charitable purposes and utilized for purposes other than those intended shall be subject to taxation. In practice, grants received from foreign charities by nonprofit organizations for their charitable purposes are exempted from profit tax. In Uzbekistan, the Cabinet of Ministers has given private informal clarification to the effect that foreign-source grants are exempt, at least pending more formal law-making on the subject.

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4.   Conclusion and Recommendations

Nonprofit organizations in the CAU, despite their rapid proliferation the period since 1992, face serous obstacles in Central Asia. We should reckon with the likelihood that a substantial number of the local NGOs will fail following the withdrawal of large-scale donor assistance. Efforts in the interim should be focused on providing a basis for sustainability.

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The legal regime will play an important role in this process. The CAU republics have taken some important steps towards creating a legal regime which will promote the nonprofit sector. However, much more needs to be done. Comprehensive laws governing nonprofit organizations, political parties, and religious organizations need to be adopted in the immediate future. Although such legislation must follow in the footsteps of the Civil Codes, further guidance is needed with respect to the organization and reorganization of nonprofits, their authority to engage in commercial activities without jeopardizing their nonprofit status and the tax treatment of nonprofits.

Since the current tax legislation fails to encourage charitable giving, it is extremely important to further enhance tax incentives for individual and corporate donors, as well as providing that foreign-source grants will not be taxed. It is also important to provide for fundamental tax advantages for nonprofit organizations and to ensure that only bona fide nonprofit organizations receive the benefits of tax exemptions.

With respect to Public Associations Laws, taken as a group, we recommend (i) eliminating the requirement of prior approval and registration of the charter of a public association (we note as exemplary the approach taken by the Russian Federation, whose Law "On Public Associations" eliminated the prior registration requirement), and (ii) eliminating provisions which provide for interference by state agencies into activities of public associations, particularly as these provisions seem inconsistent with relevant provisions of the Civil Code which should take precedence.

©1998 Patterson, Belknap, Webb & Tyler LLP

The authors express their thanks to the following individuals who contributed materials and comments used in this paper: Natalia Bourjaily of the International Center for Not-for-Profit Law (for all republics); Edward Sokolinsky, Tatiana Geller and Mikhail Gasanov (Uzbekistan); Mirgul Smanalieva and Temirbek Kenenbaev (Kyrgyzstan); Zhaniya Ussen (Kazakstan) and Robin Krause (United States). Views expressed herein are solely those of the authors and not of any institutions with which they may be affiliated.

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