Repercussions from the "four-day war" with Azerbaijan in April continue to resonate in Armenia, with several senior officials arrested on corruption charges and one prominent political figure accusing the government of "deceiving" Armenians about their military capabilities.
Three security officials were arrested on Monday. “They were arrested for different criminal charges. They are suspected of various wrongdoings. In one case accepting poor quality supplied goods, in another case, according to preliminary data, procurements with exaggerated expenses,” said Sona Truzyan, a government spokesman, as reported by commonspace.eu.
This follows the firing of three other senior Ministry of Defense and armed forces officials at the end of April, also amid various corruption-related investigations. All this is in reaction to the results of fighting in early April in the disputed territory of Nagorno Karabakh, which resulted in the greatest number of casualties since a ceasefire between the two sides was signed in 1994, and during which Azerbaijan for the first time since then captured some new territory.
Further underscoring Yerevan's desire to shake things up, President Serzh Sargsyan replaced one of the fired MoD officials with a relative outsider, David Pakhchanian, as Deputy Defense Minister Chairman of the State Military Industrial Committee.
The Universal Combat Module UMD-1 that Georgian state defense manufacturer Delta has contracted to sell to the United Arab Emirates. (photo: Delta)
Georgia's growing defense industry has made its second export sale, this time to the United Arab Emirates.
Georgia's state defense firm, Delta, signed a $32 million agreement to sell "combat modules," or vehicle-mounted gun systems, to the UAE. The deal was finalized in March but it was only announced last week. The first shipment of the weapons was scheduled to be sent to the UAE by the end of May.
This is the second foreign arms sale that Georgia has made since rebooting its defense industry; the first was announced in January, of armored vehicles to Saudi Arabia. Is there a significance to the fact that Georgia's first two weapons sales abroad were to Gulf states? Saudi Arabia is the world's second-largest arms importer, and UAE the fourth, so it's not too surprising that they bought some Georgian arms in addition to all the other weaponry they're scooping up.
Uzbekistan soldiers deploy out of an Airbus AS 332 Super Puma in a screenshot from an armed forces promotional video.
Uzbekistan's military has shown off several European-made helicopters it apparently bought from Airbus, a deal that had been under threat because of German concerns about Uzbekistan's human rights record.
The helicopters, AS 332 Super Pumas and AS 350 Ecureils, both produced by the company Airbus Helicopters, were shown in a promotional video about the Uzbekistan armed forces posted in February but just noticed recently by the Russian military blog BMPD. (The video is below, and the helicopters are shown starting at about 2:00.)
In 2014, an Airbus executive said that a deal to sell 14 military helicopters to Uzbekistan was being held up because Germany, which produces parts for the helicopter, was refusing to allow the export due to concerns about human rights and the rule of law in Uzbekistan. Exactly what helicopters were under consideration was not made public, so it's not clear that this is the same deal, and if so, what changed between 2014 and now. "Airbus Helicopters is not at liberty to discuss about contractual commitments it may or may not have with Uzbekistan," a company spokesman told The Bug Pit in an emailed response to questions.
Both the AS 332 and AS350 are transport helicopters, and in the video, Uzbekistan soldiers are shown rappelling out of the AS350 on to a rooftop and filing out, with weapons drawn, of the AS 332, suggesting that Uzbekistan sees these as means for deploying small groups of soldiers into combat.
Russian officials have said that they want to deploy new missiles in Belarus in response to American missile defense deployments in Romania and Poland, a new test for Minsk's precarious balancing act between Russia and the West.
The United States's new missile defense site in Romania officially became operational earlier this month, and Russians (justifiably) see the new facility as targeted towards their country. Russian President Vladimir Putin has promised "strong countermeasures" to respond. There have been no official suggestions about what that might entail, but anonymous Russian officials have been saying that one measure could be to deploy Iskander-M missiles in Belarus.
Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov visited Minsk on May 16 and that proposal was reportedly on the agenda. A source "close to the Russian defense ministry" told the newspaper Kommersant that deploying Iskander-Ms to Belarus would be a "logical response" to the American missile defense installation and other NATO activity close to Russia's western borders.
During Lavrov's visit, his Belarusian counterpart Uladzimer Makey criticized the American missile-defense deployment and said that Belarus and Russia agreed to discuss taking "appropriate countermeasures together."
U.S. Marines train Azerbaijani soldiers in Romania in 2011. (photo: U.S. Marine Corps)
Azerbaijan has gotten $20 million in military aid from the U.S. Department of Defense over the last ten years, while Armenia has gotten nearly nothing, a review of U.S. government documents shows.
While the U.S. State Department has traditionally administered most foreign military aid, since the onset of the "War on Terror" the Defense Department has taken on increasing responsibility for military aid. And although the U.S. State Department for the most part observes a policy of "parity" in aid to the two countries, the Department of Defense has been less cautious in maintaining a balance. Baku has benefited in particular from two Pentagon aid programs, known as Section 1004 and Section 1206, which are subject to less Congressional oversight and less stringent public reporting requirements.
Azerbaijan has gotten $8.5 million since 2005 in funding from Section 1004, which provides counternarcotics assistance, and $11.5 million from Section 1206, which provides counterterrorism aid. Armenia, by contrast, has gotten just $41,000 in Section 1004 funding and no Section 1206 money, according to data collected by the Washington advocacy group Security Assistance Monitor, which maintains a database of the various U.S. military assistance programs.
The presidents of Azerbaijan and Armenia, and senior diplomats from the U.S., Russia, and France, meet in Vienna. (photo: U.S. State Department)
Armenia and Azerbaijan agreed to strengthen the international monitoring of the front lines between their armed forces, a potentially significant step that could make it possible to identify the causes of the increasingly frequent flareups in violence between the two sides.
The agreement emerged from a meeting between the presidents of the two countries in Vienna on Monday night brokered by the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe and the United States, Russia, and France. The high-level involvement in the conflict follows what has come to be known as the "four-day war" in early April, the worst violence since the two sides signed a ceasefire agreement in 1994.
An OSCE statement after the meeting between Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan and his Azerbaijani counterpart Ilham Aliyev reported that the two sides "agreed to finalize in the shortest possible time an OSCE investigative mechanism. The Presidents also agreed to the expansion of the existing Office of the Personal Representative of the OSCE Chairperson in Office."
The paucity of resources of the current monitoring regime, with only six monitors covering a long, remote, line of contact, has made it nearly impossible to determine what is behind a ceasefire violation. And while the OSCE statement is vague, expanding the OSCE monitoring office and creating an "investigative mechanism" could ameliorate some of those problems.
Azerbaijan, Georgia, and Turkey have reiterated their intention to expand military cooperation, including holding joint military exercises aimed at protecting oil and gas pipelines. But the promises of further cooperation belie the stalled development of this would-be military bloc on Russia's southern flank.
The defense ministers of the three countries met Sunday in Gabala, Azerbaijan, and afterwards they announced a variety of cooperation measures including joint military exercises, cooperation on cyber security, and "further improvement of trilateral exercises on the protection of oil and gas pipelines," in the words of Azerbaijan Defense Minister Zakir Hasanov. While some of this already has been going on, Hasanov added that the three sides are preparing a memorandum to "to enter a new stage" of the cooperation. Hasanov's Georgian counterpart, Tinatin Khidasheli, said Georgia would host the new joint exercises next year.
This nascent alliance was formalized in 2012, but of course much has changed in the region since then, like Russia's growing assertiveness and the collapse of Russia-Turkey relations. So it now includes one country that is a longtime Russian enemy (Georgia), another new but fervent enemy (Turkey) and one country strenuously keeping its options open (Azerbaijan).
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has called for a greater NATO presence in the Black Sea to counter Russia, potentially representing a policy shift for Ankara, which has traditionally jealously guarded its role as the sole Western power on the sea.
Speaking at a Balkan security conference in Istanbul, Erdogan complained that the sea has become a "Russian lake":
We should enhance our coordination and cooperation in the Black Sea. We hope for concrete results from the NATO summit in Warsaw on July 8, 9… The Black Sea should be turned into the sea of stability. I told the NATO secretary general that you are absent in the Black Sea and that is why it has nearly become a Russian lake. We should perform our duty as we are the countries with access to the Black Sea. If we do not take action, history will not forgive us.
American and Moldovan soldiers commemorate the victory of the allies in World War II in Chisinau. (photo: MoD Moldova)
The Moldovan government at the last minute canceled a planned Victory Day display of American military hardware in central Chisinau after pro-Russia groups threatened to try to block the event and throw eggs at the American soldiers.
U.S. military officers and their vehicles, in the country for joint exercises with their Moldovan counterparts, displayed the equipment in the central Grand National Assembly Square on May 8, the day when most Europeans celebrate the end of World War II. The event had originally been scheduled to continue through the next day, the Victory Day celebrated around most of the post-Soviet space, but Moldova's defense ministry announced on the 8th that that would be the last day.
"The American military equipment won't be on the square tomorrow. Today is enough," said Defense Minister Anatol Salaru on May 8. "We wanted to hold the event on May 9, because it's a symbolic day for us. We wanted to bring to the square everyone who participated in World War II, and the primary participants were the U.S. and the Soviet Union. The Americans asked us to invite the Russians, but we got a written refusal, so we decided to change the date."
Moldova has become a significant front in the New Cold War between Russia and the West. A pro-Western government is in power in Chisinau but it faces substantial public skepticism about integration with the West, as well as a breakaway republic in the eastern part of the country, Transnistria, which hosts about 1,500 Russian soldiers.
U.S. Army officers load Abrams tanks on to a ferry in Varna, Bulgaria, to ship them to Georgia for NATO military exercises. (photo: U.S. Army)
The United States is for the first time shipping its tanks across the Black Sea for joint exercises with Georgia.
The U.S. Army's 1st Armored Brigade Combat Team, 3rd Infantry Division loaded the tanks on to ferries in Varna, Bulgaria, in order to ship them to Batumi ahead of the second annual Noble Partner military exercises to be held later this month. The exercises will include 650 American troops, as well as 500 from Georgia and 150 from the United Kingdom.
Last year's Noble Partner (the first such exercise) was noteworthy for the fact that the U.S. shipped Bradley Fighting Vehicles across the Black Sea for the occasion. It was the first such movement of heavy U.S. materiel across the sea and was a vivid illustration of the U.S.'s ability to project power around Russia's periphery. This year's addition of tanks to the mix ups the stakes a little more.