Azerbaijani investigative reporter Khadija Ismayilova has been branded in her homeland as being everything and anything -- a woman of loose morals, a spy, or, worse, an Armenian -- to change the subject from the signs of high-level wrongdoing she exposes. Her latest exposé has been followed by an accusation of leaking state secrets to a delegation of supposed US spies that Azerbaijan’s state-controlled media claims visited Baku to collect intelligence in broad daylight.
Azerbaijani prosecutors, though, did not evince much interest in the revelation of an alleged act of blackmail by the government. It is the exposure of such blackmail that seems to count as a transgression. After Ismayilova made public documents implicating security agencies in recruiting opposition party members as informers and agents provocateurs, the Ministry of National Security launched an investigation into the potential leakage of a state secret.
For Ismayilova, the summons came as a long-awaited confirmation of the authenticity of the documents, which suggested that the national security ministry used bribes and secret recordings of opposition members' private lives to infiltrate the opposition camp. “Since the prosecutor’s office launched an investigation into the disclosure of state secrets, that means that this document is real,” she told the Russian service of the BBC.
Investigators, she said, have pressured her to disclose who provided her with the documents. Her refusal to comply may result in a six-month prison sentence.
A former British army captain, who was branded a Russian spy and drubbed out of Georgia in 2008, is back as deputy head of the European Union’s cease-fire monitoring operation. Former Georgian officials are also back with their accusations against Ryan Grist, the ex-deputy head of the Georgian mission of the Organization for Security and Cooperation in Europe.
Back in 2008, Grist caused quite a furor in Georgia when he vanished into wartime South Ossetia and, then, told the Western press that he questioned Tbilisi's claims that a pending Russian invasion had prompted its dispatch of troops into the territory. The OSCE mission to Georgia distanced itself from Grit’s words and, The Wall St. Journal reported, "forced him to resign." (The mission itself eventually closed, after Russia's objections to its presence in Georgia.)
The United National Movement (UNM), now an opposition party, condemned Grist’s appointment to the European Union Monitoring Mission (EUMM), saying that "a reasonable suspicion" exists that he had worked with "the Russian secret services."
“We call on the Georgian government to use all means at its disposal to make sure Mr. Grist leaves not just the EU observation mission, but also Georgia,” the UNM’s Zurab Jafaridze told Tabula TV. The ruling Georgian Dream, which is far less enthusiastic about exposing alleged pro-Russian enemies of state, has not publicly responded to the call.
The première of Nymphomaniac, the much talked-about erotic epic by Danish filmmaker Lars von Trier, has been cancelled in the Armenian capital, Yerevan, after theater managers decided to dodge potential controversy.
The first part of von Trier’s five-hour opus of sex and angst was supposed to open in Yerevan on February 13, but the management of Cinema Star Dalma Garden Mall, part of a Russian chain, made a last-minute decision to cancel the show, Gazeta.ru reports.
Families make up the core of the Yerevan Cinema Star’s audience, managers said, and they may not want to keep up with the adventures of a liberated European woman, played by von Trier’s muse, Charlotte Gainsbourg. Hollywood stars like Uma Thurman, Willem Dafoe and Christian Slater also make appearances in the film.
Granted this particular movie had jaws dropping in far less conservative places, but the Caucasus countries are especially uncomfortable with big sex on the big screen. Couples on a movie date often depart from a theater if a love scene becomes a little too racy.
Nymphomaniac is also not being shown in neighboring Georgia and Azerbaijan. In the entire neighborhood, only Russia has no qualms about showing the peccadilloes and psychological torments of Gainsbourg’s character.
In a throwaway remark made on the sidelines of the Sochi Olympics earlier this week, Russian President Vladimir Putin said that he is open to meeting Georgian President Giorgi Margvelashvili. Such an encounter, if it ever happens, would be the first top-level Russo-Georgian sit-down since the two countries' 2008 war.
Putin, who gave Georgian TV crews a wide smile and best wishes for the Georgian athletes in Sochi, only uttered the February 10 remark in passing after being asked by a Georgian reporter. “Yeah, why not if he wants to?” was his soundbite in reference to Margvelashvili before walking off to get back to the cares of the Olympics.
But it was enough for Tbilisi to conclude that it had been asked out and that it is time to start preparing for a rendez-vous with the country's Public Enemy Number One.
Georgian media has erupted into constant chitchat about what such an event could involve. President Margvelashvil appears to be busy scrutinizing Putin’s two-second line for hidden meaning, while Prime Minister Irakli Gharibashvili, who was not mentioned by Putin, says he will take up the offer.
“As the head of the Georgian government, I am ready for a direct dialogue with the Russian leadership,” Gharibashvili told Imedi news channel. The comment was duly scooped up by Russia's state-run RIA Novosti as "signifying a thaw in bilateral ties."
A choir of other officials from the ruling Georgian Dream, however, keep saying they need to think through any such get-together first.
After years of close cooperation with Ankara, Baku has decided that it wants to help its big Turkic cousin make sure there is only one Atatürk ("Father of the Turks") out there. As it stands, Azerbaijan has 18 of them; several born within the past few years, according to the country's State Terminology Commission, Russia's Nezavisimaya Gazeta reported.
Commission Chairperson Sayaly Sadigova claimed that the decision to ban "unofficially" the use of Atatürk was made at Turkey's own request, the Russian daily said. The Turkish foreign ministry did not respond to requests from EurasiaNet.org to confirm the report.
But Azerbaijan’s linguistic authoritarianism does not end there. The name-regulators say parents also cannot call their baby Samovar even if they are convinced that the little darling totally looks like the Russian tea boiler. All such requests have been denied, Sadigova underlined to APA news agency. Perhaps fortunately for the children concerned.
For several years now, Azerbaijani citizens have needed government approval for their children's names, turning the onomastics commission into something of a national copy-editing service.
Apart from providing guidelines for translations, the commission has created an advisory system on proper names, categorizing them essentially as good, bad and funny.
For the world at large, the glitch at Sochi that grabbed the most headlines this weekend was the failure of one of the Olympic rings to light up properly. But it was a hitch with the map of Georgia that caught most eyes south of the Russian border, in Georgia itself.
When the map appeared on the arena floor during the Games' February 7 opening ceremony, a cloud obscured separatist Abkhazia from view. And not only was Abkhazia shrouded from view, but fellow breakaway territory South Ossetia hid behind both a cloud and the median dividing the map in two.
The map's representation of the two territories was widely perceived in Georgia as an attempt by Moscow to avoid an outburst of anger from Tbilisi, which has been pressured to boycott the Games, but without stepping away from Russia's controversial 2008 decision to recognize the two regions as independent states from Georgia.
Georgia argues that Russia violated the terms of the two states' 2008 cease-fire by moving troops into the two territories, and recognizing them both as independent states.
The de-facto heads of both South Ossetia and Abkhazia allegedly were on hand for the opening ceremony at Sochi.
Police escorted Zeynalov and his wife, Sevda Nur Arslan, a Turkish citizen, to the airport on February 9 after officials deemed his presence in Turkey “detrimental to public security,” Today’s Zaman reported. Zeynalov claims that he had linked to news reports from his Twitter account about the corruption scandal targeting Prime Minister Recep Tayyip Erdoğan’s government, which is notoriously thin-skinned toward public criticism.
At the request of the prime minister’s office, Turkish security agencies traced the tweets to Zeynalov’s account. Erdoğan filed a criminal complaint against Zeynalov, accusing him of stoking “hatred and animosity."
Defending his choice to enter a Moscow-centered Customs Union, Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan commented on February 4 that Armenia joining the European Union was never part of Yerevan's game-plan, Public Radio of Armenia reported.
It has been lovely to work with the EU on democratization and human rights and all, but Armenia never considered committing to a more serious relationship, said Sargsyan, whose pro-Moscow choice last September took Brussels by surprise.
Speaking about another Western club with which Yerevan has had a standing flirtation, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, Sargsyan expressed dismay that NATO, as he put it, had allowed member Turkey, Armenia’s bête noire, to take certain undefined "actions" that damage NATO's "security system."
That said, Armenia will not shy away from being "just friends" with the EU and NATO. Still, its "steady" remains Russia; namely, Moscow's Customs Union and Collective Security Treaty Organization. One provides duty-free access to the vast and nearby Russian market, while the other keeps hostile neighbor Azerbaijan at bay. (At least in theory. )
Yerevan announced on February 3 that it will complete the road map to membership in the Customs Union by year-end, and set January 1, 2015 as the date for its trade-nuptials with Russia, Kazakhstan and Belarus.
Georgia's ex-Prime Minister Bidzina Ivanishvili has found a new calling -- to teach Georgians how to make what Ivanishvili will consider to be informed decisions. And he's got just the tool in mind -- a new foundation, called "Citizen."
“Yes, we need to learn how to hire the government. First of all, we need to learn well who to hire,” Ivanishvili told a capacity-crowd press-conference in Tbilisi on February 4.
He plans to expand on this through his new NGO, which, he said, will help train Georgian media and experts in deep, “correct” ways of interpreting news and facts. The organization also will underwrite media research and sponsor a training course for experts.
Deciding that there's no time like the present to start this mission, Ivanishvili, who has no work experience in journalism, took a few reporters to task during his hours-long press conference, lambasting them for their supposed impatience and incompetence. The journalists, for their part, were more interested in his perceived failure to live up to the lavish campaign promises that helped put him in office in 2012.
The Euromaidan movement may be centered in the Ukrainian capital Kyiv, but it enjoys strong support in the South Caucasus state of Georgia. For many in Tbilisi, there’s a feeling that as Ukraine goes, so follows Georgia.