“Pecunia non olet (“Money does not smell”),” staff tells you at a museum dedicated to the history of toilets in Kyiv, Ukraine.
But the motto, which Roman Emperor Vespasian supposedly said after imposing a tax on public urinals, is only another part of the toilet trivia and bathroom paraphernalia on display at this unusual exhibit.
I recently had the opportunity to spend an extended amount of time in Ukraine, speaking to members of the country’s political and intellectual elite. The most striking impression I came away with was the near-universal disappointment of my interlocutors in the performance of President Petro Poroshenko and his administration.
There was little doubt Mikheil Saakashvili had a second political act in him after leaving the presidency of Georgia in 2013. But few would have predicted he would be politically reborn as a governor of Ukraine’s Black Sea region of Odessa.
They knew it would not be a milestone event. But many in Georgia, Moldova and Ukraine nonetheless are finding it difficult to accept the results of the May 21-22 European Union gathering in Riga, Latvia.
RIGA -- Unlike the previous EU Eastern Partnership summit in 2013, which triggered the Ukraine crisis after the country's ex-president scuttled a deal on closer ties with Brussels, the summit that wrapped up May 22 is unlikely to send such shock waves across the continent.
At war over territories and ideology, Russia and Ukraine are also fighting over World War II, the conflict that bonded the two countries together for over a half century as part of the Soviet Union. But this struggle over history is not a straightforward one.
As the countries of the former Soviet Union prepare, with varying degrees of enthusiasm, to mark Victory Day, many are making a conscious effort to distance themselves from the orange-and-black St. George ribbon that many now associate with Russian military aggression, separatism, and war.
Freedom House says restrictive new laws and violence against journalists resulted in a global decline of press freedom during 2014, bringing the world's press freedom to its lowest point in more than 10 years.
More and more, posts and commentaries on the Internet in Russia and even abroad are generated by professional trolls, many of whom receive a higher-than-average salary for perpetuating a pro-Kremlin dialogue online.