A photo released by the de facto Nagorno Karabakh armed forces, which they said is an Azerbaijani ThunderB drone that they shot down.
The recent surge of violence in Nagorno Karabakh has brought attention to Azerbaijan's increased reliance on arms from Israel, including two types of drones not previously known to be in Baku's arsenal.
In one case, Azerbaijan was reported to have used a "Harop" loitering munition, known somewhat fancifully as a "kamikaze drone" because it is itself the bomb. According to Armenian media, on April 4 the Harop hit a bus carrying soldiers to the front and killed five or six of them. It was believed to be the first ever combat use of the system anywhere, reported Jane's Defence Weekly. Azerbaijan sources claim to have used the Harop in other attacks, as well.
In another episode, the armed forces of Nagorno Karabakh released photos of a ThunderB surveillance drone that they claimed to have shot down on April 2.
And in a third episode, Azerbaijani sources claim that their side destroyed "six enemy tanks" using an Israeli-made Spike missiles.
None of these weapons were previously reported to be operated by Azerbaijan. (While it was known that Azerbaijan bought the marine version of the Spike missiles, it's not clear whether it somehow used those for this attack or had secretly also purchased the land forces version, as well.)
Tajikistan may be about to get a new day off if lawmakers get their way: President’s Day, or to be more exact, Leader of the Nation Day.
This is more personality cult-building in operation here, since the latter title was bestowed on President Emomali Rahmon only last year.
Asia Plus news website reported on April 6 that parliamentarians have already teed up the text for the required legislation.
There are a few candidate dates. One is November 19, the date in 1992 when Rahmon was appointed chairman of Tajikistan’s Supreme Council, one of the first formal steps taken toward him becoming president. Or it could be November 6, which was the date for the presidential elections in 1994, 1999, 2006 and 2013.
But since November 6 already marks Constitution Day, there is also the possibility that a compromise date of October 5 could be agreed upon. That is Rahmon’s birthday.
Ozodagon suggests another possibility: November 6, which marked the start of the 16th session of the Supreme Council of Tajikistan in 1992, which culminated in the historic decision on Rahmon’s chairmanship.
Member of parliament Abduhalim Gafforov told Ozodagon that deputies proposed calling the holiday President’s Day.
“But then again it would be better to call this day Leader’s Day, since there are also other kinds of presidents in other structures, like the Academy of Sciences, for example. But there is only one Leader of the Nation,” Gafforov said.
This is far from the first initiative in creating the burgeoning cult of personality around Rahmon. The last year has seen a particular intensification of this process.
While it is often noted that the citizens of Kazakhstan are averse to protesting, only the brave would try to meddle with their mobile phones.
Consider the case of mobile telephone provider ALTEL, which has been assailed by disgruntled subscribers in recent days over complaints that they reneged on agreements.
ALTEL, a daughter company of state-owned Kazakhtelecom, was the first mobile communications company to enter the market in Kazakhstan in 1994. In 2010, it was first to introduce 3G, and two years later it brought in the LTE standard, which is usually marketed under the 4G brand.
In November, the company announced it was set to merge with Swedish mobile services provider Tele2, which also has a presence on Kazakhstan’s market. According to a report by news website Informburo.kz, the merger would have created a single company with a 7 million-strong client base — ALTEL previously had 2 million subscribers. That would account for 20 percent of the mobile communications market in Kazakhstan. The new entity will also control more than 80 percent of Kazakhstan’s mobile Internet market.
But big is not always beautiful, as ALTEL customers have learned.
ALTEL’s main selling point was that it provided unlimited Internet packages, which proved hugely popular.
In a move that has angered many clients, however, ALTEL on April 4 announced that it was scrapping its unlimited 4G offers and that it would now provide a limited 30 gigabytes monthly. ALTEL has defended decision by stating that it was forced to take the decision because of the numerous complaints about low speeds.
The hostilities between Azerbaijan and Armenia between April 2 and April 5 have not just been on the military front; hackers from Armenia and close Azerbaijani ally Turkey have been exchanging deadly cyber-fire over the past few days, too.
Declaring that it had “sided with Azerbaijan against Armenia, the aggressor,” HackRead reported, a group with the nom de guerre of Turk Hack Team claimed on April 3 to have shut off access to sites for Armenia’s government administration and the National Security Service, National Bank and Ministry of Economy. Another band, Aslan Neverler Tim, alleged that it knocked offline the websites for Armenia’s defense, agriculture, energy ministries.
Some Armenian observers confirmed DDOS (Distributed Denial of Service) attacks, a targeted congestion of service, on gov.am sites. Cyber-security expert Samvel Martirosian told Armenian media that the attackers failed, though, to hack into the websites.
Turk Hack Team is known for anti-Armenian cyber-attacks. The group claimed responsibility for taking down the Vatican’s website a year ago in retaliation for Pope Francis’ description of Ottoman Turkey’s 1915 killings of ethnic Armenians as genocide, a term modern-day Turkey rejects.
For the first time in Tajikistan, mosque prayer leaders have been arraigned on terrorism charges.
The six people on trial are accused of membership in the Muslim Brotherhood, an organization banned in Tajikistan.
This marks a departure from the norm since prayer leaders, or imam khatib, are more commonly targeted with charges of sexual molestation or even witchcraft.
Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty’s Tajik service, Ozodi, reported on April 5 that the group was arrested in March and have since been in pre-trial detention. Authorities have declined to provide any further information, arguing that it could interfere with the course of investigations.
A lawyer for one of the accused told EurasiaNet.org that the men were detained at various locations around Sughd and that all of them were graduates of the Islamic University of Madinah, in Saudi Arabia.
“The detention of other imam khatibs and spiritual leaders belonging to this group is carrying on. At the moment, their detention has been sanctioned by the court and they are facing official charges,” the lawyer, Faizinniso Vohidova, told EurasiaNet.org.
Vohidova said that investigators argue that the group was recruited to the Muslim Brotherhood in the 1990s.
The Muslim Brotherhood was banned in Tajikistan in 2006 and declared a terrorist group. That created some discomfort in the period following the revolution in Egypt, when Muslim Brotherhood leader Mohamed Morsi was ushered into power through elections in 2012.
Despite implicitly considering Morsi the leader of a terrorist group, Tajikistan demurred from severing diplomatic relations with Egypt.
In an apparent attempt to assuage Russian concerns, Chinese defense officials have clarified their intentions to create a military bloc along with Afghanistan, Pakistan, and Tajikistan. They emphasize that it is not to be a "Central Asian NATO" and would "complement" the efforts of the Shanghai Cooperation Organization, of which Russia is a member, rather than exclude Moscow.
The initiative in question was announced during a visit by General Fang Fenghui, the chief of general staff of the People's Liberation Army, during a visit to Kabul last month. Details have been scant, but the initiative was a surprising one given China's traditional deference to Russia in Central Asia security affairs. And Russian media have accused their Western counterparts of deliberately misconstruing the initiative in an effort to sow discord between the two giant neighbors.
"Western media outlets branded the suggestion as a 'Central Asian NATO' claiming to threaten Russia’s influence in the region," wrote the Russian state news agency Sputnik wrote.
A modest achievement in renewable energy in Uzbekistan is a reminder of the country’s enormous but unexploited potential to harness environmentally friendly resources.
Local media on April 4 reported that United Arab Emirates company ENESOL has completed the largest mobile solar plant in the former Soviet Union, in Uzbekistan.
The 1.2 megawatt plant will be used to power a natural gas field and construction site owned by Russian energy company LUKoil in an area near the city of Bukhara.
“The solar plant’s capacity is enough to provide uninterrupted energy for a populated area of 1,500 people,” ENESOL said in a statement
During the 6th Asian Solar Energy Forum in 2013, President Islam Karimov promised great things in the solar generation field.
In line with plans revealed then, work is currently in progress on a 100 megawatt photovoltaic plant in the Samarkand region. The Asian Development Bank has estimated this could generate 159 gigawatt hours of power and avoid 88,000 tons of carbon dioxide emissions every year.
In 2011, LUKoil unveiled its own plans for a 130 megawatt plant in the southern region of Navoi.
Solar power in Uzbekistan is currently mainly generated to serve industrial needs and not for household use. That is particularly regrettable since many citizens continue to experience chronic power shortages. The Ferghana Valley suffers particularly acute shortfalls.
In this area, as in many others, the authorities adopt a semi-permanent position of wishful thinking.
Despite the ceasefires issued by Azerbaijan, Armenia and Armenia-backed separatist forces on April 5, questions still persist within the South Caucasus about what happens if the resurge of violence over breakaway Nagorno Karabakh and surrounding Armenian-occupied territories gets completely out of hand.
Azerbaijan’s defense ministry described its own ceasefire, its second since hard-core fighting broke out on April 2, as “mutual” with Armenia’s military. Baku does not deal directly with Karabakh’s separatist government, but later in the day, an unidentified Karabakhi de facto official told Reuters that the region’s forces also had been ordered to stop firing.
How long these ceasefires will last is anyone’s guess. During Baku's earlier ceasefire, Azerbaijani bombardments of Armenian and Karabakhi positions continued nonetheless, local media reported.
With the risk that a continued Armenia-Azerbaijani confrontation could prove explosive in this strategic region, a vital oil-and-gas corridor, global powers have begun making moves to bring an end to the risk for what Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan terms “all-out war.” But with what result remains unclear.
Longtime mediators in the Karabakh conflict, Russia, the United States and France, convened for an ad-hoc meeting in Vienna on April 5. The group will visit Yerevan, Baku and Karabakh “in the near future,” French Foreign Minister Jean-Marc Ayrault announced, Russia’s state-run TASS news service reported.
Yerevan already has fixed a date for these guests -- April 9, when the envoys will meet with Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan and Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian.
With nerves on the Kyrgyzstan-Uzbekistan border only now dissipating, authorities in Bishkek have embarked on the potentially foolhardy move of helping themselves to four Uzbek-owned resorts at a popular tourist destination.
Local media has been full of the news about embattled Prime Minister Temir Sariyev signing a government order to appropriate the resorts on Issyk-Kul lake on April 4.
The timing is awkward, although it could stand to help Sariyev out of a tight spot.
On March 26, Uzbekistan and Kyrgyzstan pulled back troops from a disputed section of shared border, ending an uneasy week-long standoff sparked by the sudden deployment of Uzbek soldiers and military vehicles to the area.
On balance, it feels like Uzbekistan lost the battle of wits and nerves. It withdrew its forces first from the high-altitude territory without ever properly explaining what prompted it to mobilize its men in the first place.
Still, the episode did momentarily blow some wind into the beleaguered opposition’s sails, so Sariyev may be looking to shore up his position and exploit the patriotic card to forestall an expected vote of no-confidence in parliament.
By all appearances, this looks like an ill-conceived gambit. According to a report by Tazabek.kg, only one of the four resorts seems to be long-term leased to a commercial organization, while the other three were controlled by state-owned Uzbek entities.
The agreements underpinning the ownership of the resorts date back to the Soviet era, when power-brokers in Moscow decided to boost Issyk-Kul’s profile as a place of rest and therapeutic treatments.
Azerbaijan has intermittently displayed interest in investing in Kyrgyzstan, but the latest set of revelations courtesy of the Panama Papers documents leak suggests that even the presidential family in Baku wanted a piece of the action.
In 2012, an obscure company called Redgold Estates Azerbaijan Ltd. became one of several international bidders hoping to snap up some out of a set of around a dozen gold concessions at an auction in Kyrgyzstan.
In the evening, the televised auction was called off when a group of demonstrators charged into a broadcast studio demanding a halt to proceedings.
As is the norm with offshore companies, tracing the line from a public company to the ultimate beneficiaries is a confusing business. Following the thread linking Redgold Estates Azerbaijan Ltd. to the family of Azerbaijan’s President Ilham Aliyev is tricky and requires some circumstantial sleuthing.
All the claims are based on documents leaked from Panama-based law firm Mossack Fonseca, which has forged a reputation for providing offshore company services to all-comers.
According to an account published on April 4 by the Organized Crime and Corruption Reporting Project (OCCRP), Redgold Estates Azerbaijan Ltd. was incorporated 20 months before the Kyrgyzstan auction, in which it submitted five bids.
The leaked Mossack Fonseca files show that another company with the same name, Redgold Estates Ltd., was created six weeks before that in the Seychelles, one of many offshore jurisdiction favored for its privacy laws. Other than the name, the two company also shared the same Baku address.