The protesters, members of a Georgian Orthodox Church congregation in the Black-Sea resort town of Kobuleti, said they resorted to this gruesome form of protest to prevent the spread of Islam in their neighborhood. Earlier on, they had planted a large cross before the madrasa as well.
Many Georgians see the growing Turkish investment and presence in Kobuleti’s Turkey-adjacent region, Achara, as an existential threat.
The Kobuleti incident, though, was made even more disturbing by outlandish comments from one middle-aged female protester. “We did not desecrate it; we decorated it,” said the woman, radiant with joy, in reference to the madrasa, in a YouTube video. “When they brought the piglet, it was squealing so much, but I told him ‘Don’t be afraid, you will be slaughtered soon’ . . . “ she continued, beaming with pride, as if discussing the charms of a favored household pet. “ They have hung […] the pig’s head so handsomely, with its ears pulled to the sides, that it will be a pleasure for them to see when they show up,” she said of those connected with the medresa.
The video went viral, with some sharing it for laughs, others out of revulsion. Some protesters tried to strike more a respectful note, describing Muslims, ironically, as their brothers despite the hardly fraternal form of protest against the madrasa they had chosen.
When outsiders look at the various new post-Soviet integration projects they often see an attempt by Russia to impose its will on its neighbors; in Hillary Clinton's formulation, a move to "re-Sovietize" the region. The U.S., by contrast, likes to say that its policy in the former Soviet space are directed at allowing those states to maintain their "sovereignty and independence."
But that has it backwards, Russia is increasingly arguing. In a piece published Wednesday in Rossiyskaya Gazeta, Russian Foreign Minister Sergey Lavrov argues that the Shanghai Cooperation Organization and other post-Soviet security blocs allow members "a choice of their own pattern of development" while NATO demands strict "bloc discipline" of its members.
That Lavrov wrote an op-ed praising the SCO is already interesting enough: Russia has not always been so enthusiastic about the organization, which tends to carry more of a Chinese influence (the other members are the smaller Central Asian states in between the two powers: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, and Uzbekistan). But since the crisis in Ukraine resulted in a huge rupture between Russia and the West, Moscow has sought to revive its ties to China and as a result has become noticeably more enthusiastic about the SCO.
Armenia on September 9 got a gift from Greece — a law making it a crime to deny that the World-War-I slaughter of ethnic Armenians in Ottoman Turkey amounts to genocide. Needless to say, thanks already have been expressed.
The measure comes as part of a new anti-hate-crime law that applies similar penalties for rebuttals of the Holocaust and other war-crimes. The law also toughens punishments for racially and sexually motivated hate-crimes.
Greece ranks as the third country after Switzerland and Slovakia to criminalize claims that the slaughter, which Turkey downplays as one of many atrocities of World War I, ranks as a genocide. In 2012, France, home to a large Armenian Diaspora, adopted a similar bill, which strained relations with Turkey before being overturned by the French Constitutional Court.
Ankara, which is playing its cards warily with Armenia in the run-up to the 2015 centennial anniversary of the massacre, does not appear yet to have responded to Athens’ criminalization vote.
Nor, as yet, has Turkic strategic ally Azerbaijan, Armenia’s enemy-number-one.
The two “brothers” are not generally quiet on such matters; the Azerbaijani government, for instance, stepped up to the plate for Turkey on France’s genocide-denial decision.
The mention of Nagorno-Karabakh in a declaration issued by NATO members at the conclusion of their recent summit in the United Kingdom has sparked a fresh spat between Armenia and Azerbaijan.
The Allies “remain committed in their support to the territorial integrity, independence, and sovereignty of Armenia, Azerbaijan, Georgia and the Republic of Modlova,” reads the September 5 statement. NATO’s reaffirmation of territorial integrity caused chagrin in Armenia, while producing statements of gratitude in Azerbaijan. Armenian forces wrested control of Karabakh from the Azerbaijani military in the early 1990s: the two sides have searched in vain for a political settlement since agreeing to a 1994 ceasefire.
Armenian President Serzh Sargsyan acknowledged that the wording of the NATO declaration constituted a “small victory” for Azerbaijan within the Karabakh context. When considering a Karabakh settlement, Armenian officials have long emphasized the principle of self-determination of nations, or at least its understanding of it, over the principle of territorial integrity.
Armenian Foreign Minister Eduard Nalbandian criticized the NATO declaration for having a “selective approach” that did not coincide with that held by the Minsk Group, the international body that oversees the long-running Karabakh peace process, according to a report distributed by Armenian Public Radio.
Turkish President Recep Tayyip Erdogan has said that "disagreements" have arisen with China over the two countries' controversial deal on air defense systems. And it appears that a French offer -- which would be the much-preferred option for Turkey's NATO partners -- is gaining momentum.
Ever since Turkey announced last September that it was picking a Chinese system over American, French, and Russian competitors, U.S. and NATO officials have been pressuring Ankara to change its mind. They have argued that it would be impossible to integrate Turkey's NATO-compatible air defense systems with the Chinese system without the risk of leaking sensitive data to China. For some time there have been indications that Ankara is rethinking its decision, but Erdogan's comments on Sunday make that explicit.
"Some disagreements have emerged with China on the issues of joint production and know-how during negotiations over the missile defense system," Erdoğan told reporters as he returned from the NATO summit in Wales, private television channel NTV said on Sunday.
"Talks are continuing despite that, but France, which is second on the list, has come up with new offers. Right now, our talks with France are continuing. For us, joint production is very, very important," he said.
U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel meets a Georgian soldier during his visit to Tbilisi. (photo: MoD Georgia)
U.S. Defense Secretary Chuck Hagel visited Georgia, and on the agenda was Georgia's planned purchase of American military helicopters and Georgia's joining the emerging U.S.-led anti-ISIS coalition.
The deal for Blackhawk utility helicopters has been in the works since at least 2012. But this is the first time it seems to have been discussed very publicly, and the two sides seem to be getting close: "One of the things that I noted here is that [Georgian Defense Minister Irakli Alasania] and I discussed as to how we go forward on Georgia's request for helicopters and pricing and availability -- that being the next step as to how that works," Hagel said at a press conference in Tbilisi.
It wasn't announced how these would be financed, but this variant -- the Sikorsky S-70i, produced in Poland -- cost about $5 million each. Georgia's defense budget for this year is under $400 million -- that is, about 80 Blackhawks -- and that has to cover troops' pay and care in addition to any new equipment procurement. Alasania has previously said that Russian-type helicopters are too expensive to maintain given the difficulty Georgia has getting spare parts. Those are "credible complaints," said Michael Cecire, a Washington-based Georgia analyst, in an email interview with The Bug Pit. "But why US platforms, specifically? Partially for the prestige and symbolism, but also likely with an eye on reinforcing bilateral ties and building those prized business relationships with US defense companies," he said.
Georgian diplomats are growing tired of a traveling political act in which the country’s top two executive branch officials try to upstage each other and grab the international spotlight.
At recent international gatherings and events, including NATO and UN meetings, Prime Minister Irakli Gharibashvili and President Giorgi Margvelashvili have sometimes engaged in very public protocol spats over who gets to represent Georgia. The peculiar rivalry has been building since Georgia introduced constitutional changes in 2013 that significantly diluted presidential powers. The changes were introduced ostensibly to create an additional layer of checks-and-balances in the executive branch in the aftermath of what many saw as the “imperial” presidency of Mikhail Saakashvili.
A low point in the executive rivalry occurred in July, when the president almost had to jam his foot in the door of Georgia’s parliament building in Tbilisi to attend the signing of a landmark Association Agreement with the European Union. Earlier on, when the EU extended Georgia a preliminary agreement, both the president and the prime minister reached for the pen to sign it. Margvelashvili eventually conceded singing privileges to Gharibashvili, who showed little appreciation for the gesture.
Uzbekistan has introduced new no-go areas for bloggers, tightening up a media environment that is already among the most repressive in the world.
Bloggers are now banned from using online platforms for a long list of activities, the Anhor website reported: from calling for the forcible overthrow of the constitutional order to questioning Uzbekistan’s territorial integrity; and from promoting pornography and narcotics to disseminating information inciting ethnic or religious enmity.
Promoting war, violence, terrorism, extremism, separatism, and fundamentalism is also a no-no, under amendments to the law governing IT affairs which came into force on September 5. So is divulging state secrets, and publishing information that may harm someone’s reputation and violate their right to privacy (a provision likely to act as a deterrent to whistleblowers).
The ban on calling for the overthrow of the state and questioning territorial integrity come as Uzbekistan, like other states in the region, appears rattled by the conflict in Ukraine and by Russia’s aggressive expansionist rhetoric. This year has witnessed a spate of online calls for independence for Uzbekistan’s Karakalpakstan region, and – while the credibility and motives of those posting them under pseudonyms is in question – the material has no doubt raised eyebrows in Tashkent.
The legislation introduces a broad legal concept of a blogger, as an individual posting “generally accessible information of a public-political, socioeconomic, and other nature, including for discussion by users.”
There is no mention of criminal sanctions for those deemed in violation of the law, but the sites they use can be blocked.
The USS Ross enters the port of Constanta, Romania, ahead of joint U.S.-Ukraine naval exercises in the Black Sea. (photo: U.S. Navy)
United States-led, Ukraine-hosted naval exercises will start this week in the Black Sea, ahead of NATO exercises in Western Ukraine later this month. While both exercises are iterations of annual drills and so not directly in response to the events in Crimea and eastern Ukraine, the fact that they're going ahead is nevertheless a signal of U.S. support for Kiev.
The naval exercises, Sea Breeze, are usually held in July but were put off until September this year. They'll be led by the U.S. destroyer USS Ross and also include ships from Ukraine, Georgia, Romania, Turkey, Canada, and Spain. One apparent concession to the heightened tension in the region this year: unlike in previous years, no U.S. or NATO ships will dock in Ukraine this time.
"Much of the exercise will focus on maritime interdiction operations as a primary means to enhance maritime security," announced U.S. European Command in a statement. "The other key components of the exercise focus on communications, search and rescue, force protection and navigation."
Georgian officials are sounding upbeat notes over a decision by NATO that seems to accelerate efforts to bring Tbilisi into the alliance. From Tbilisi’s perspective, NATO offered Georgia a package of measures at a September 4-5 summit in the United Kingdom that could potentially make the country's full membership a reality in the not-too-distant future.
"Today we agreed on a substantive package of measures for Georgia that will help it advance in its preparations towards NATO membership," NATO Secretary General Anders Fogh Rasmussen tweeted on September 5.
Georgian Defense Minister Irakli Alasania said that the package included a commitment to create a training center for NATO members and allies in Georgia.
Georgia has long sought membership in both NATO and the European Union. While wanting to encourage Georgia’s membership bid, NATO has tread cautiously on the issue out of an apparent concern not to rile Russia. Georgia and Russia fought a five-day war in 2008, and portions of Georgian territory remain occupied by Russian armed forces. Russia’s actions in Ukraine are prompting NATO to re-evaluate its relations with the Kremlin.
Though satisfied with the steps taken by NATO at its UK summit, Georgian officials voiced an intention to press for a formal membership invitation at the Atlantic alliance’s next gathering in 2015. "We hope that the next summit is going to be an expansion summit where Georgia will be granted membership," Alasania said at the Atlantic Council's Future Leaders' Meeting.